Linguistics
Hussein Piri; Mohammad Dabirmoghaddam; Vida Shaghaghi; Mojtaba Monshizadeh
Abstract
AbstractPersian is a verb-final language; that is, its basic unmarked word order is SOV. Clauses in Persian, like other languages, have both the core- elements and non-core elements. The lack of the non-core elements or adjuncts in a clause does not make it ungrammatical but a speaker or writer uses ...
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AbstractPersian is a verb-final language; that is, its basic unmarked word order is SOV. Clauses in Persian, like other languages, have both the core- elements and non-core elements. The lack of the non-core elements or adjuncts in a clause does not make it ungrammatical but a speaker or writer uses these elements to express his/her intentions. This study aims to investigate the post-verbal position of the non-core elements and the contributing factors in taking pre- and post-verbal positions of these elements in colloquial Persian in the selected Persian corpus including Sweet Jam, Da, Things Left Unsaid and Urn. To this end, 893 leftward scrambled clauses out of 9105 clauses were studied. The results of this study show that only the non-core elements of location and destination take the post-verbal position, which is mainly the position of given information and non-focused part of a clause in the corpus. Moreover, the omission of preposition is the characteristic of the post verbal position. There are also contributing factors so that non-core elements do not take the pre- and post-verbal positions accidentally. In addition, the core elements of a clause do not take the post verbal position. IntroductionThe present study investigates the post-verbal position of non-core clause elements in colloquial Persian. The unmarked order of core elements in Persian is Subject–Object–Verb. In addition to core elements, clauses may contain non-core elements or adjuncts, whose absence does not render the clause ungrammatical; however, speakers employ them when necessary to express communicative intentions. Persian also exhibits a syntactic phenomenon known as scrambling, whereby sentence constituents, along with their case markers, are moved. This phenomenon manifests in different forms and may shift elements either rightward or leftward, depending on the directionality of Persian orthography. Importantly, such movement is syntactically optional, and its motivation is primarily discourse-driven (Rasekh-Mahand, 2003: 113). This article focuses on leftward movement, specifically the post-verbal positioning of non-core elements, and the factors governing such ordering. In this study, “leftward scrambling” refers exclusively to the movement of elements into the post-verbal position. The research questions addressed are: (i) which non-core elements undergo leftward scrambling in colloquial Persian? (ii) what is their information-structural status in the post-verbal position? and (iii) what factors determine the ordering of non-core elements before and after the verb? Literature ReviewResearch on postposing in Persian includes works by Frommer (1981), Rasekh-Mahand & Mousavi (2007), Roberts (2009), and Rasekh-Mahand & Ghiasvand (2013). Frommer (1981: 144) argues that the postposed position is non-emphatic, i.e., it is associated with given information. He also notes the deletion of prepositions in post-verbal contexts. Rasekh-Mahand & Mousavi (2007: 16) emphasize the interaction of prosody and discourse, concluding that postposed elements do not receive sentence-level emphasis. Roberts (2009: 126) examines the post-verbal position of clause elements, focusing on alternations in the movement of prepositional phrases of destination. They argue that when the event is central, this prepositional phrase is postposed, advancing the narrative line; when the phrase remains in its unmarked position, the described events are not central to the discourse. Rasekh-Mahand & Ghiasvand (2013: 44) conclude that postposed elements are heavier than their unmarked counterparts; definiteness influences postposing; animacy shows no consistent correlation; and the more presupposed an element is, the greater its likelihood of being postposed. MethodologyThis study adopts a descriptive-analytical approach, with the clause as the unit of analysis. From a corpus of 9105 clauses, 893 instances were identified in which non-core elements occurred in post-verbal position. The corpus was selected for its colloquial style. Following Roberts (2009: 128), prepositional phrases of destination co-occur with motion verbs, while prepositional phrases of location accompany non-motion verbs; this framework is adopted here. The research proceeded in four stages: firstly, identification of clauses with postposed non-core elements, based on Roberts’ (2009: 97) unmarked ordering of simple Persian clauses. Secondly, classification and quantification of the types of leftward-scrambled elements. Thirdly, examination of the information-structural status of the post-verbal position and finally analysis of preposition status in post-verbal position. The ordering of non-core elements before and after the verb was also investigated, along with the factors influencing their placement. ResultsWithin the corpus, destination and location adjuncts were the only non-core elements found in post-verbal position. Among these, destination adjuncts showed a stronger tendency than location adjuncts to occur post-verbally. The data confirm that postposing of destination and location adjuncts is characteristic of colloquial Persian. Preposition deletion was also observed as a feature of the post-verbal domain, occurring more frequently with location adjuncts than with destination adjuncts. Such deletion may reflect stylistic choices by speakers. Regarding information structure, both new and given information appeared in the post-verbal position, though the distribution indicates that this position predominantly hosts given information. The placement of adjuncts before or after the verb is not random but motivated by discourse factors, as evidenced in the corpus. ConclusionThe findings suggest that Roberts’ (2009: 97) account of unmarked clause ordering requires revision in colloquial Persian. In this register, two unmarked positions are available for destination and location adjuncts: pre-verbal and post-verbal. Both positions are primarily associated with given, non-emphatic information. The movement of non-core elements in either position depends on factors such as discourse context, verb type, presence or absence of emphasis, number of adjuncts in the clause, emphasis on other clause elements, clause type (imperative, interrogative, etc.), and whether the adjunct is full or reduced. These observations support the notion of an emphasis gradient: the beginning of the clause carries the highest degree of prominence, while the clause-final position is least prominent and non-emphatic.
Linguistics
mohammad mahdi zamani; somayeh aghababaei; Nematollah Iranzadeh
Abstract
Given the significance of Persian literary works in linguistic studies, examining scientific works authored to introduce or critique prominent Persian literary texts is of considerable importance. However, many of these works deviate from their main purpose—presenting major literary achievements—due ...
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Given the significance of Persian literary works in linguistic studies, examining scientific works authored to introduce or critique prominent Persian literary texts is of considerable importance. However, many of these works deviate from their main purpose—presenting major literary achievements—due to deficiencies in the application of the scientific register of Persian. The present study investigates the use of scientific language in works by Mo’ayyed Shirazi, Pournamdarian, Zarrinkoub, and Khorramshahi, all of which were awarded the Book of the Year of the Islamic Republic of Iran during the 1980s. The study seeks to answer the following question: What deficiencies exist in the application of scientific language in Persian literary research? By combining aspects of qualitative and quantitative research methods, the authors extracted errors directly from the works under study and identified their distribution. The analysis reveals recurrent features such as semantic deviation, historical deviation, stylistic deviation, parallelism, citation of literary texts to reinforce rhetorical effects, metaphor, metonymy, ambiguity, redundancy, and evaluative judgment. IntroductionPersian literary works represent one of the most important dimensions of Iran’s cultural and historical heritage. Thus, introducing these works to contemporary generations and to non-Persian audiences is of great significance. One crucial issue in this regard concerns the degree to which scientific works, aimed at studying and presenting major Persian literary texts, succeed in fulfilling this mission.A review of authoritative sources in the field of Persian literary criticism shows that these works sometimes fail to achieve their intended purpose. One of the main reasons is the improper application of the scientific register in such texts. Deviations from the principles of scientific writing often disrupt communication between author and reader, leaving the intended meaning obscure. The present study focuses on the application of the scientific register of Persian in the selected winners of Book of the Year between 1981 and 1991. Literature ReviewNo independent research has been conducted specifically on the application of scientific language in Persian literary studies. Nonetheless, several linguistic investigations have addressed the scientific register of Persian more broadly. For instance, Rafiei and Sahraei (2013) examined word-formation processes in scientific, colloquial, and literary registers of Persian, and compared them with English. Razavian and Mobaraki (2013) studied the use of grammatical metaphor in scientific and literary language. Other relevant works include those by Zaryab Khoi (1984), Ashouri (2007), Bateni (1993), Haqshenas (1993), Davari Ardakani (1993), Shari‘at (1993), Farshidvard (1993), Shaghaghi (2005), and Chavoushi (2011).The lack of detailed studies on the use of scientific language in literary research, along with the importance of such studies for presenting Persian literary heritage to new generations and international audiences highlights the necessity of the present research. MethodologyIn this study, random passages from selected work were analyzed in terms of errors in the application of scientific language. Errors were extracted directly from the texts themselves rather than the predetermined categories. In this respect, the approach is qualitative. Random sampling, however, provided equal probability for selecting different sections, which resembles quantitative methodology. Coding and categorization of data were carried out inductively, following qualitative principles.The process involved iterative data extraction and hypothesis modification until no contradictory evidence emerged—an approach consistent with concepts such as theoretical saturation and analytic induction in qualitative research (Flick, 2015). The integration of quantitative and qualitative methods was intended to minimize researcher bias in data selection, to provide numerical evidence of the prevalence of errors, and to account for less frequent yet significant types of errors. The four works awarded the Book of the Year title are:A New Understanding of Sa‘di (1983), Symbol and Allegorical Stories in Persian Literature (1989), Sar-e Ney: Analytical and Comparative Study of the Masnavi (1999), and Hafez-Nameh (2001).It should be noted that identifying deficiencies in these works does not negate their overall scholarly value; rather, the study aims to shed light on the scientific register employed in these influential texts. Discussion and ConclusionThe findings indicate that the works under scrutiny contain frequent deficiencies such as semantic deviation, historical deviation, stylistic deviation, parallelism, reliance on literary quotations to enhance rhetorical function, metaphor, metonymy, ambiguous expressions, redundancy, and evaluative judgment. Notably, in Pournamdarian (1989), metaphorical usage and evaluative judgment were absent.Quantitative analysis shows:45 of 83 sentences in Mo’ayyed Shirazi’s work, 73 of 159 sentences in Pournamdarian’s work, 342 of 377 sentences in Zarrinkoub’s work, and 86 of 153 sentences in Khorramshahi’s work contained such deficiencies.These recurring features cannot be dismissed as minor or exceptional. Many of them strengthen the literary quality of the language, causing the texts to resemble literary rather than scientific works. At the same time, issues such as redundancy and ambiguous vocabulary hinder clarity and precision, which are essential in scientific writing. Consequently, while these works play a vital role in Persian literary scholarship, the identified deficiencies reveal the gap between scientific and literary registers in Persian academic discourse.
Linguistics
Fatemeh Bahrami
Abstract
AbstractDespite being transitive, possessive verbs are characterized by a lower level of transitivity due to their non-action nature. As a result, the semantic roles of the arguments of such verbs, which pertain to the possessor and the possessed rather than the agent and patient, significantly impact ...
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AbstractDespite being transitive, possessive verbs are characterized by a lower level of transitivity due to their non-action nature. As a result, the semantic roles of the arguments of such verbs, which pertain to the possessor and the possessed rather than the agent and patient, significantly impact their transitivity. This reduced transitivity is evident in the encoding of grammatical relations. Specifically, the present research demonstrates that in Persian, the possessive verbs dāštan ‘to have’ and budan ‘to be’ treat their subject and object as non-prototypical arguments, employing different strategies in the agreement and case-marking systems. Consequently, the syntactic structure mirrors the semantic markedness of these arguments. Notably, despite their synonymous meanings and equivalent argument structures, dāštan ‘to have” and budan ‘to be’ exhibit divergent behaviors in terms of grammatical relations. The explanation lies in the non-prototypical semantic roles of syntactic arguments, allowing either argument the potentiality to occupy the syntactic subject position. Additionally, the two hierarchies of the agreement and case-marking systems, which operate in opposing directions, influence each verb’s preferred strategy for marked encoding. Partial agreement of the verb with the subject (i.e., according to person, but not to number) also serves as a complementary tool for reflecting the marked structure.IntroductionAlthough in modern Persian the relationship between possessor and possessed is expressed with the verb dāštan ‘to have’, in the not-so-distant past, the verb budan ‘to be’ also expressed the same relationship. In this article, we will firstly determine, through a brief historical review, which element is the subject in both constructions and what the role of the accommodating construction with “râ” is. And in the next step, by determining the syntactic relations of the possessor and the possessed, we will examine and determine the functional correspondence and distinction between these two possessive constructions, what syntactic-semantic goals this present alternation pursues, and how case-marking and agreement systems have been operated. Literature ReviewThe literature review can be presented in two parts: 1) views on the function of “râ” as one of the most important case markers in Persian and 2) opinions on the agreement system of Persian. The outcome of reviewing the opinions indicates that, contrary to the initial impression, “râ” does not necessarily indicate the object, nor does verbal agreement definitively indicate the subject.MethodologyWe will follow three main discussions in order: 1) determining the syntactic role of the possessor and the possessed by referring to the evolutional phases of the possessive constructions, 2) how and why syntactic relations alternate in the two possessive constructions, and 3) the relationship between the genitive case and “râ” marking in Persian possessive constructions.ResultsIn comparing the two possessive constructions budan ‘to be’ and dāštan ‘to have’, it was found that the presence of “râ” is obligatory for the verb budan ‘to be’ and optional for dāštan ‘to have’; but in both, “râ” is only accompanied by the possessor.The main challenge was that grammarians did not agree on the role of the noun accompanied by “râ” in possessive constructions, some considering it the subject whiles others the object.By resorting to agreement, we determined that although there is little evidence that a verb has a full agreement with the possessed, no example was ever found showing that the agreement is definitely established with the possessor, and all the available evidence was in cases where both the possessor and the possessed were third-person. Therefore, the assumption of partial agreement with the possessed (plural), not necessarily a full agreement with the possessor (singular), can also be justified. So, according to the agreement, the possessed must be in the subject position, and the possessor, the element accompanied by “râ”, has the object position.However, the accompaniment of the possessor with “râ” (even if optional) in dāštan ‘to have’ possessive constructions, as a property in the early period of Modern Persian, while the verb also agrees with the possessor, not only made the assumption of subjecthood of the possessor still possible, but was also reinforced by evidence from non-possessive constructions where the subject is accompanied by “râ”, and thus the initial argument was challenged again.ConclusionThe author’s assumption was that the dual behavior of both possessor and possessed, both in the verbal agreement and being marked with “râ”, could arise from the fact that the syntactic roles of these elements have gradually shifted over time. In fact, in Persian, both possessive constructions, before getting the stable stage, adopted an intermediate status, which caused them to simultaneously tend towards both copulative and eventive structures; That is, while they are copulative and therefore the focus of the construction is on the possessed as the subject, they also give preference to the possessor in some regards and highlight it.The prominence of the possessor in both possessive verbs budan ‘to be’ and dāštan ‘to have’ depends on specific semantic and discoursal factors such as animacy, familiarity, and topicalization, which is also confirmed historically. Certainly, the prominence of the possessor in dāštan ‘to have’ is much greater, and it is such that in Contemporary Persian, the possessor in dāštan ‘to have’ has been able to play a role as a full-fledged subject, and “râ” appears alongside the possessed, and these constructions are eventive and no longer copulative.Regarding the how and why of the alternation of syntactic relations in possessive predicates, relying on semantic roles and their effect on organizing the syntactic structure of the sentence, we showed that the possessor and the possessed, are macro-roles that have distanced themselves from the two unmarked poles and are located in an almost intermediate position, while indeed inclined towards the undergoer pole. Also, the immediate juxtaposition of the semantic role of the possessed with the patient, as well as the possessor with the possessed, allows syntactic relations to change over time as a result of this close association.Then, we followed this diachronic change, first in the transformation of the possessive noun phrase to the copulative construction of budan ‘to be’ and then in the transition of the copulative construction of budan ‘to be’ to dāštan ‘to have’. This perspective can also be generalized to the evidence of the accommodation of the subject with “râ” in non-possessive sentences. They are generally passive sentences and the formal subject is actually the same as the semantic object, and in a way, the illusoriness of the subject in passive sentences is marked through “râ” marking. And in the few cases where the subject of a transitive or intransitive verb is also accompanied by “râ”, the analogy is at work. After a short time, “râ” returns to its original role, which is the non-nominative (oblique) case marker, and is no longer used beside the subject.Also, the developments of possessive construction in Persian, considering the evidence of the three early, middle, and late periods in Modern Persian, the evolution of the case marking in possessive construction, and the relationship between the dative/genitive case and “râ” marking were discussed.
Linguistics
Abdolkhalil Tabasideh; Nahid Yarahmadzehi; Mehdi Safaie-Qalati
Abstract
AbstractThis study investigates the incorporation of complex predicates in the Coastal Baluchi dialect spoken in Chabahar, focusing on the structural components and formation of these predicates. Initially, complex predicates were collected from the first volume of Jahandide’s Baluchi to Persian ...
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AbstractThis study investigates the incorporation of complex predicates in the Coastal Baluchi dialect spoken in Chabahar, focusing on the structural components and formation of these predicates. Initially, complex predicates were collected from the first volume of Jahandide’s Baluchi to Persian Dictionary. Using semi-structured interviews, the data were analyzed descriptively based on the intuitions and judgments of 30 native dialect speakers. The analysis results indicate that Coastal Baluchi employs incorporation processes in the formation of complex predicates. In this predicate type, the direct object or a reduced prepositional phrase merges with the verb, losing certain grammatical markers while allowing the verb to retain its lexical identity and semantic clarity. Further analysis reveals two main distinctions between Persian and Coastal Baluchi regarding incorporation: first, although the preposition is omitted, the incorporated noun retains its oblique marker; second, the presence of subject enclitics does not render the incorporating compound verbs ungrammatical. These findings suggest that Coastal Baluchi may be in a transitional phase, exhibiting both incorporating and non-incorporating structural featuresIntroductionIran is home to diverse ethnic groups, each with distinct languages and dialects. These languages make a focus for linguists aiming to document and describe their unique features. Baluchi, a Northwestern Iranian language, is one of these languages, though it has received relatively limited scholarly attention. Coastal Baluchi, the southernmost dialect of this language, is spoken along the Makoran coast in Sistan and Baluchestan Province of Iran, southwestern Baluchistan province of Pakistan, and parts of Oman and the UAE.Although there has been one study on the verbal components of compound verbs in Baluchi (Rabani Irandegani, 2020), no studies have specifically addressed incorporating compound verbs in this language, particularly in the Coastal variety. Consequently, this study focuses on analyzing and describing the types of incorporating compound verbs found in Coastal Baluchi spoken in southern Iranian Baluchestan. The analysis is based on the structural components and features of these verbs, forming the primary research objective.Research QuestionsDo incorporating compound verbs exist in Coastal Baluchi (based on the characteristics outlined in the works of Dabir-Moghaddam (1997) and Shaghaghi (2007))?If such verbs do exist, what are their formation patterns and characteristics in Coastal Baluchi?Literature ReviewAside from Rabani Irandegan's (2020) thesis, there are no other studies available on the types of compound verbs in Coastal Baluchi. Rabani Irandegani extracted 162 verbs from the first volume of the Baluchi-Persian dictionary compiled by Jahandideh (2018) and conducted a descriptive-analytical study of the collocations associated with these verbs, focusing on their structural characteristics, the type of infinitives they form, their multi-component nature, and the presence of Iranian or non-Iranian elements in their components. The findings indicated that the majority of collocations involve the verb kardan ‘to do’, predominantly used in the construction of transitive infinitives with non-active elements (nouns, adjectives, adverbs, prepositions) of Iranian origin. However, the study did not examine the lexical component of these verbs or address incorporating compound verbs.With the increase in educational attainment among citizens, the lack of teaching for native languages, the influence of mass media, and the penetration of modern information technology, many local languages and dialects in Iran, including Coastal Baluchi, have been unwittingly affected by standard Persian. Today, we witness that many words and grammatical patterns from the official language have replaced authentic vocabulary and other grammatical structures in Baluchi. Given that there are no formal educational programs for the Baluchi language, the continuation of this trend may eventually lead to the transformation or, in more severe cases, the extinction of the language. Thus, gathering, recording, and documenting its vocabulary and grammatical structures has become increasingly important.Moreover, despite being influenced by Persian, Baluchi is among those Iranian languages that have undergone minimal changes over different periods due to the geographical and cultural conditions in the region of Baluchistan, retaining many characteristics of ancient and middle Iranian languages (Aranski, 1999: 132-136). Therefore, examining it can pave the way for studies in the realm of Old, Middle, and Modern Iranian languages and dialects.MethodologyThis descriptive, qualitative, and analytical study aims to collect linguistic data on the Coastal Baluchi dialect and analyze it to investigate the formation of compound incorporating verbs in this language variety. First, the target data, which includes compound verbs in Coastal Baluchi, was extracted from the first volume of the Baluchi-Persian Dictionary (Jahandide, 2018) and organized alphabetically. A purposive sample of 30 native Coastal Baluchi speakers from Chabahar (15 women and 15 men, aged 30-65) participated in the study. The participants, whose education levels varied, confirmed the dialect authenticity of the collected data during interviews.To address the research questions, three linguistic tests were conducted: (1) restructuring of infinitive components, (2) insertion of enclitic pronouns within the compound verbs, and (3) omission of simple verbs in the second clause based on the presence of an incorporating verb in the first clause. During semi-structured interviews, participants answered the test questions with the researcher guidance. Their responses were compared against incorporation criteria set by Dabir-Moghaddam (1997) and Shaghaghi (2007), with the findings used to address the study’s questions.Results and ConclusionThis study on the structure of incorporating complex predicates in Coastal Baluchi demonstrates notable similarities and minor differences compared to the findings of Dabir-Moghaddam (1997). In Coastal Baluchi, as highlighted in his research, the explicit object, when attached to the transitive verb, loses all grammatical markers, thereby converting the transitive verb into an intransitive one. The attached noun typically represents a gender noun and is referentially indefinite, maintaining semantic clarity alongside its non-attached counterpart.Similar to Persian, the omission of the independent verb in the second clause, contingent upon the presence of the incorporating compound verb in the first, is not feasible in this dialect. Furthermore, some prepositional phrases with locative adverbial roles are affected by the attachment process, leading to the omission of the preposition while retaining the non-agentive state marker /-a/ on the noun. This differs from Persian, where the attached noun loses its grammatical markers, indicating that the incorporating structures in Baluchi preserve some features of non-attached verbs, suggesting a transitional phase in their evolution.Shaghaghi (2007) proposed tests to differentiate combinational compound verbs from incorporating ones, showing that while the presence of affixed pronouns does not render the sentences awkward, these constructions exhibit lower acceptability and frequency among speakers. This further supports the notion that incorporating structures in Baluchi function differently from those in Persian.Overall, the incorporating complex predicates in Coastal Baluchi exhibits all eight characteristics identified by Shaghaghi and Dabir-Moghaddam. Future research could expand to other Baluchi dialects and explore comparative studies with other Iranian languages. Limitations in spatial and resource access highlight the need for larger, collaborative studies to enhance the generalizability of these findings.
Linguistics
Shadi Davari
Abstract
AbstractComparison is a mental process through which two or more phenomena are being compared based on their differences or similarities. Cross-linguistically, comparison is most commonly expressed through morphological possibilities, however, different syntactic constructions encode the concept as well. ...
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AbstractComparison is a mental process through which two or more phenomena are being compared based on their differences or similarities. Cross-linguistically, comparison is most commonly expressed through morphological possibilities, however, different syntactic constructions encode the concept as well. The present contribution bore an attempt to present the various morphological and syntactic constructions encoding the grammatical concept of superior comparative in Persian as the most prototypical of all comparative constructions based on Heine’s (1997) eightfold classification of source event schemata of which the comparison representations are derived. The Persian data showed that in addition to the eight source schemata namely, action, location, source, goal, polarity, sequence, similarity, and topic, expressing this grammatical concept, Persian employs seven more source schemata, to be specific, body-term, definite, genitive, animal, double predicate, idiomatic, and modal for indicting superior comparative. The main observation made in this research was that the evolution of grammatical categories through grammaticalization proceeds from lexical, open-class, and concrete sources, to grammatical, closed-class, and abstract forms as what has occurred in the path of emerging superior comparative constructions through lexical sources in Persian.1.IntroductionLanguage structure is the product of our interaction with the world around us. The way we build discourses and develop linguistic categories can immediately be derived from the way we experience our environment and use that experience in specific communication. The domain of superior comparative bears the semantic function of assigning a graded position on a predicative scale to two (possibly complex) objects. The present contribution bears an attempt to portray the different linguistic forms encoding different comparative concepts in Persian. The main claim made in this paper is that, like other grammatical expressions, comparative markers in Persian tend to be derived from other, more concrete, entities, in particular a limited number of conceptual source structures referred to as event schemas introduced by Heine (1997). The goals of the present study are as follows: 1. Cognitively, to identify the main source schemas for “comparative construction” in Persian. 2. Introducing unstudied schemas and subschemas in Persian in order to extend the treasury of source schemas responsible for developing comparative constructions cross- linguistically. The study identified superior comparative construction in Persian emerging through 15 event schemas, 8 out of 15 are similar to the above- mentioned Heine’s typological and cognitive proposal and 7 more, which seem to be Persian language specific namely, body-term, definite, genitive, animal, double predicate, idiomatic, and modal event schemas.Research Questions1. Based on the idea that language is a cognitive entity and a historical product which must be explained with reference to the cognitive forces and schemas that have shaped it, what are the main source schemas for development of comparative construction in Persian?2. Is there any pool of possible conceptual sources for the expression of comparison in Persian which has not been formulated in Heine`s (1997) cognitive framework? Literature ReviewUnfortunately, there is not any published research available on superior comparative construction in Persian based on grammaticalization. An unpublished draft on the same subject by Davari & Naghzguy-Kohan (2016) has been shared in their personal websites in Academia.edu. Furthermore, Davari & Karbalaei-Mohammadi have an accepted abstract on the same subject for ICIL9 (2020). However, it should be mentioned that Imani (1400, 1402) has published 2 articles on superlative comparative in Persian based on the same framework which is different from the present topic. MethodologyThis study draws heavily on published texts and daily dialogues of Persian speakers. Reporting on a cognitive- typological study of comparative constructions in Persian, the project initially follows the cognitive framework of Heine (1997). Based on Heine`s model, a comparative construction compares two referents with respect to a gradable property, but where one of the referents has the property to a higher degree. A comparative construction must allow a way to express the PREDICATE (some gradable property concept word, usually called adjective), the COMPAREE (the first referent to be compared), and the STANDARD (the other referent to which the first referent is compared). In addition, comparative constructions typically have a COMPARATIVE STANDARD MARKER (i.e. a marker that is closely associated with the standard), and often they also include a COMPARATIVE DEGREE MARKER (a marker that is closely associated with the predicate and occurs only or primarily in comparative constructions or other constructions expressing comparison or similar notions). Following Heine (1997: 109), we consider comparison as a universal domain whose genesis in grammar can be accounted for by reference to a limited number of conceptual structures called “event schemas”. These schemas encompass the essential attributes of recurrent stereotyped events in basic human daily cognition, perceptions, and experiences. They are propositional in nature and relate to ontological domains such as action, location, source, goal etc. Heine (1997: 112) introduces eight event schemas from which various comparative constructions in the languages of the world may develop. Heine (1997) argues that most of the comparative constructions to be found in the languages of the world can be traced back to the above small set of source schemas. These schemas represent more concrete domains in contrast to the more abstract domain of comparison. ResultsThe analysis indicates that, similar to other languages of the world, the comparative constructions in Persian are derived through a limited number of more concrete source structures referred to as event schemas. The Persian data showed that in addition to the eight source schemata brought in by Heine (1997), namely, action, location, source, goal, polarity, sequence, similarity, and topic, expressing this grammatical concept, Persian employs seven more source schemata, to be specific, body-term, definite, genitive, animal, double predicate, idiomatic, and modal for indicating superior comparative. The main observation made in this research was that the evolution of grammatical categories through grammaticalization proceeds from lexical, open-class, and concrete sources to grammatical, closed-class, and abstract forms as what has occurred in the path of emerging superior comparative constructions through lexical sources in Persian. ConclusionThe analysis indicates that, similar to other languages of the world, the comparative constructions in Persian are derived through a limited number of more concrete source structures referred to as event schemas. The main observation made in this research was that the evolution of grammatical categories through grammaticalization proceeds from lexical, open-class, and concrete sources to grammatical, closed-class, and abstract forms as what has occurred in the path of emerging superior comparative constructions through lexical sources in Persian.
Linguistics
ayyub Badavam
Abstract
AbstractClassic literary texts are a reflection of a nation's beliefs, culture, and worldview. These texts often present challenges for modern readers due to the complexities of language and historical nuances. As a result, rewritings play a pivotal role in conveying their meanings to contemporary audiences, ...
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AbstractClassic literary texts are a reflection of a nation's beliefs, culture, and worldview. These texts often present challenges for modern readers due to the complexities of language and historical nuances. As a result, rewritings play a pivotal role in conveying their meanings to contemporary audiences, making the examination and critique of such rewritings an essential area of study. This research aims to evaluate the applicability of Kourosh Safavi's systematic translation criticism model, originally designed for interlingual translations, to intralingual translations (rewritings). Moreover, To achieve this objective, the rewriting text was initially compared and contrasted with the original text. Subsequently, it was evaluated based on Safavi's proposed criteria (lexical addition, lexical omission, semantic elevation, semantic degeneration , enhancement or reduction of verse). The data collected for each criterion was then extracted and analyzed using a componential analysis. The findings reveal that Safavi's model is entirely applicable to the criticism of rewritings, suggesting its potential as a universal tool for the scholarly evaluation of any intralingual translation. IntroductionClassic literary texts reflect the beliefs, culture, and worldview of a nation, yet their linguistic and historical complexities often make them challenging for contemporary readers to comprehend. In this context, rewriting emerges as an effective method for conveying the meanings of these texts to modern audiences. Rewriting not only simplifies texts but also restructures them to suit the reading capabilities of today's readers. However, a lack of attention to the nuances of rewriting and insufficient academic criticism can lead to alterations or distortions of the original message. This research emphasizes the importance of evaluating and critiquing rewritings as representations of original texts, as poorly executed rewritings can fail in their primary function of accurately transmitting the original meanings and worldviews to non-specialist literary audiences. Roman Jakobson views rewriting as a type of intralingual translation, requiring the interpretation and expression of a message from one sign system to the same sign system. The main goal in both translation and rewriting processes is the accurate and complete transfer of the original text's concepts to the new text. These processes demand a full command of both source and target languages, familiarity with specialized terminology, and a deep understanding of the original text's writing style. Literature ReviewSafavi (1992), in his article "Translation and the Problem of Automatization," discusses the mechanisms and possibilities of rendering automatized structures within the framework of lexical, phrasal, and syntactic information in both intralingual and interlingual translations. He explores the methods and limitations of semantic and formal equivalence, demonstrating that semantic equivalence is possible when an automatized structure in the target language has a similar meaning, whereas formal equivalence is based on literal translation, often leading to a reduction in cultural and semantic information. Safavi ultimately emphasizes the transmission of practical and semantic information. In another article, "A Model of Multi-Criteria Intralingual Translation Criticism," Safavi (2003) introduces intralingual criteria that can be effective in scientific translation criticism. These criteria include lexical addition or omission, semantic elevation or degradation, and order addition or omission. According to Safavi, in scientific translation criticism, intralingual criteria should be distinguished from extralingual criteria. Previous research indicates that few studies have examined the applicability of Safavi's multi-criteria intralingual model to the criticism of intralingual translations (rewritings). MethodologyThis research aims to evaluate the applicability of Kourosh Safavi's systematic translation criticism model, originally designed for interlingual translations, to intralingual translations (rewritings). The research adopts a descriptive-analytical approach and employs purposive sampling. To achieve this objective, 30 pages from the original text of Kalila wa Dimna (pages 61-87 and 186-190) were selected. This purposive selection aimed to enable a deeper and more comprehensive analysis of linguistic correspondences between the original text and its rewriting. The rationale for choosing these specific pages was their linguistic diversity and suitability for precise comparison between the original text and its rewriting. After sampling, Mirza-Rezaei's rewritten text was compared with the original text. The rewritten text was evaluated based on Safavi's proposed criteria: lexical addition, lexical omission, semantic elevation, semantic degradation, order addition, and order omission. The data collected for each criterion were extracted and analyzed using componential analysis. To extract the components of the lexical units in the original text, which are rich in Arabic vocabulary, dictionaries of the very language, especially those close to the author's era, were utilized. For extracting the components of lexical units in the rewritten texts, contemporary dictionaries such as Dehkhoda (1963), Safarzadeh (2019), and Sadri-Afshar et al. (2008) were used. Results and DiscussionThe findings of this study indicate that Kourosh Safavi's systematic translation criticism model is fully applicable and practical for the criticism of rewritings. A detailed examination of each criterion is provided below:Lexical Addition: This criterion refers to the addition of lexical units within a combination, influenced by the translator's choices along the syntagmatic axis. This addition does not necessarily lead to an increase in meaning and may only result in changes in sentence structure or stylistic variation, such as in the example where šabāngāh be šahr rasid jost ‘He sought out the city at dusk...’ in the original is rendered as be hangām =e šab be šahr rasid. Mard be donbale jāi gašt ‘At night he arrived in the city. The man searched for a place’ in the rewriting. In some cases, lexical addition leads to redundancy, such as the presence of čašm ‘eye’ and guš ’ear’ in the rewriting when the meaning is already implicit in the main verb. In other examples, lexical addition may indeed lead to an increase in information in the rewritten text but can also reflect the imposition of the rewriter's own perspective.Lexical Omission: This criterion is the inverse of lexical addition and occurs when the translator omits one or more lexical units from the original author's choices during the rendition. Such omissions can lead to a reduction in structural information, as seen in the omission of the word Baqam, which pertains to Indian botany. In another instance, the omission of sakanāt ‘stillness’ from the phrase harakāt o sakanāt ‘movements and stillness’ indicates the rewriter's lack of understanding of the connection between this phrase and other sentences, leading to a loss of literary nuance.Semantic Elevation: This criterion arises when the translator, in seeking an equivalent, selects a target language unit that does not match the emotional charge of the source language unit. For example, the word bozorgmaneš ‘magnanimous’, which in the original text means ‘ambitious’, is changed to konjkāvtar ‘more curious’ in the rewriting, carrying a more elevated emotional charge and transforming the original text's negative view of Dimna's character into a positive one. In another example, the use of delbar ‘beloved’ instead of mard ‘man’ by the female barber implies the imposition of the rewriter's own perspective.Semantic Degradation: This criterion is the inverse of semantic elevation, where the emotional charge of a word's meaning shifts towards the negative. In this situation, a word is used to refer to a concept that is inferior to its original meaning. For instance xel؟at ‘robe of honor’, which in the original text refers to ‘a magnificent garment bestowed by kings upon nobles’, is degraded to lebāse zibā va bāarzeš ‘beautiful and valuable clothing’ in the rewriting. This semantic degradation can result from a disregard for the political and social characteristics of the original author's era. Similarly, the word mojāmelat ‘courtesy’, meaning ‘good conduct’, is altered to čarb zabāni ‘flattery’ in the rewriting, which carries a negative connotation.Order Addition and Order Omission: Based on the analysis conducted in this research, the rewriter did not utilize order addition. Conversely, under the criterion of order omission, the rewriter omitted literary and linguistic nuances from the original text. For example, in the couplet az xatar, xizad xatar, zirā ke sud dah čehel bar nabandad gar betarsad az xatar bāzārgān ‘Danger arises from danger, for the profit is fortyfold; if a merchant fears danger, he will not profit’, the rewriter simplified the perfect homonymy and the concept of "fortyfold profit," thereby losing some literary and semantic subtleties. Moreover, in the couplet man hamčo xār o xākam to āftāb o abr golhā vo lālehā daham gar tarbiat koni ‘I am like a thorn and dust; you are the sun and cloud; I will yield flowers and tulips if you cultivate me’, the rewriter eliminated literary devices and lexical congruity by omitting xār ‘thorn’ and substituting dāne ‘seed’ for lāle ‘tulip’, which distorts the original message. ConclusionThis research demonstrates that Kourosh Safavi's systematic translation criticism model, initially designed for interlingual translation criticism, is a highly effective tool for critically analyzing intralingual translations (rewritings) as well. By meticulously examining lexical and semantic criteria, this framework enables a scientific and comprehensive evaluation of rewritings. Given the significance of rewritings in transmitting literary heritage to contemporary audiences, employing such scientific models for their criticism is crucial to prevent distortion and a decline in the quality of these works. This study also emphasizes that by incorporating additional explicit criteria, this framework can be further developed for more precise and comprehensive analyses of translations, thereby opening new avenues for research in the field of literary criticism.
Linguistics
Naser Hafezi Motlagh; Mohammadreza Pahlavannezhad
Abstract
AbstractAccording to the embodied mathematics hypothesis, based on the cognitive linguistics’ concepts, the origin of mathematics is human embodiment, and therefore mathematical Platonism and similar descriptions, which assume the existence of mathematics independent of humans, can only have a ...
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AbstractAccording to the embodied mathematics hypothesis, based on the cognitive linguistics’ concepts, the origin of mathematics is human embodiment, and therefore mathematical Platonism and similar descriptions, which assume the existence of mathematics independent of humans, can only have a religious position and not a scientific one. In this research, due to the embodied mathematics, the role and effects of the vertical dimension in the formation of space image schema and its influences on language have been discussed. Considering the influence of the gravity on the space image schema and therefore the asymmetry in human physical perception of the height, not only the image schemas of space, force and container are influenced by the vertical dimension, but also the role of this dimension in the formation of metaphors and conceptual blending is prominent too. In this study, based on geometric data derived from the dimension of gravity in two-dimensional, three-dimensional, and four-dimensional structures, and based on the theoretical framework of cognitive semantics and the hypothesis of embodied mathematics, the reduction or increase of this geometric dimension and its effect on the image schema of space and its appearance in language and mathematics have been analyzed. The role of the vertical dimension in mathematical concepts can be described based on linguistic intuition, and examples of this effect have been discussed. Based on this analysis, reducing or increasing the spatial dimension is not only effective on the conceptual system, but also on the linguistic structure and related mathematical concepts. IntroductionThe achievements of cognitive sciences and its sub-branches, including cognitive linguistics, in order to open a window towards the human thought system, will become more important when they open new horizons to other sciences, based on the generalization commitment and cognitive commitment. Physical perception arising from embodiment and the formation of image schemas as an abstract infrastructure part of the human being thought and cognitive system and conceptual mappings and projections such as conceptual metaphors and conceptual blending and etc., not only pave the way for new ways to know the reflections of human thought, but also open new and innovative ways to the epistemology-based progresses of other sciences. On this basis, the hypothesis of embodied mathematics presented by Lakoff and Nunez tends to identify the origin of mathematics and its place in human cognitive abilities. According to this hypothesis, mathematics, as we know, is not a transcendental and external being, but a physical and subjective phenomenon in which the traces of conceptual structures as discussed in cognitive sciences and cognitive linguistics can be observed. Therefore, the role of effective structures on the conceptualization system, including image schemas and metaphors and conceptual blending is also bold and plays a vital role in embodied mathematics. The formation of the space image schema and its subset concepts, including the dimension of height, which in English shows itself in the form of words such as up/down, is one of the basic structures in metaphorical mappings, which also appears in embodied mathematics. In this research, based on the hypothesis of embodied mathematics and while emphasizing the key points of conceptual systems such as image schemas, metaphors, and conceptual blending, the role of these items on the formation of embodied mathematics and the image schema of space is discussed. These concepts which are also essential elements in the mathematics used in physics, have been investigated based on the description and analysis of removal or increasing of a spatial dimension to the three dimensions of the real world. The effect of such a change on the formation of physical perception and image schemas, as well as embodied mathematics and language, has been discussed in hypothetical two-dimensional and four-dimensional worlds too. Following the relevant descriptions, the reduction or increasing of a spatial dimension is not only effective on the physical perception and the conceptualization of the space image schema, but also on the elements of the language, which verify the viewpoint of cognitive linguistics, considering language as a window to the thought system, and the mathematical concepts made from it. Theoretical FrameworkIn the present study, height dimension concept in geometry and mathematics has been discussed from the viewpoint of embodied mathematics hypothesis and based on embodied mind theory and conceptual structures like conceptual metaphor and conceptual integration.The most famous example among the hypotheses that consider mathematics independent of humans and as a reality in the world is the idea known as mathematical Platonism. Mathematical Platonism and its similar assumptions consider the relation between human and mathematical concepts as discoveries, and they mainly believe that mathematical concepts are somehow embedded in the structure of reality and the content of the world (Ross, 1952: 176). On the other hand, there exist other hypotheses which consider mathematics to be a kind of human creation and like an emergent language, the latest of which is the hypothesis of embodied mathematics (Lakoff et al., 2000: 317). This group of hypotheses consider the relationship between man and mathematical concepts as inventions and mostly believe that mathematical concepts are man-made. The hypothesis of embodied mathematics, based on the framework of the second generation of Cognitive sciences and based on the theories presented in cognitive linguistics, considers this mathematical invention to be the result of human embodiment, and the conceptual structures arising from this embodiment, such as conceptual blending and conceptual metaphor as well. The research question raised in this article is based on the assumption that by preselection of belief in the hypothesis of embodied mathematics, how the mathematical concepts and their formation will be based on embodiment, conceptual integration and metaphor?Among the Large number of basic mathematical concepts that have been selected to be described in such a format, some concepts are more basic and have priority. Among these cases, some basic geometrical concepts such as dimension and especially the vertical dimension as the third dimension, have more special role for the reasons that will be explained. In this research, in order to answer the research question that is related to the height dimension description framework in the set of basic geometric concepts, the geometric concept of the third dimension is described based on embodiment, and conceptual structures based on embodiment such as blending and metaphor and based on the introspective and analytical method. Discussion and ConclusionThe gravity force and its effect on space image schema and also figuration of different conceptual metaphors and blendings, is the reason of different conceptualizations in the three-dimensional world and hypothetical two- and four-dimensional universes. In the real world which has three dimension structure, different effects of this force on 3rd dimension perception and also on the meaning making in language can be seen. This fact is also correct about the geometric idea of height and can be traced in mathematical concepts.As a matter of fact, these evidences can be interpreted as verification examples of embodied mathematics hypothesis and more than space image schema, can be discussed in other image schemas like force and container.Not only the embodied mathematics hypothesis, but also the embodied mind theory could be subject of this verifications and different appropriate language structures are matter of analytical description of this kind of conceptualization.
Linguistics
Mohaddeseh Soltani Nejad; Abbas Ali Ahangar
Abstract
AbstractSince the 1980s, when Abney (1987) considered the structure of the Noun Phrase (NP) paralleled with that of sentence, there have been many discussions about the type of functional phrases between Determiner Phrase/DP and Noun Phrase/NP. According to generative linguists, these functional phrases ...
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AbstractSince the 1980s, when Abney (1987) considered the structure of the Noun Phrase (NP) paralleled with that of sentence, there have been many discussions about the type of functional phrases between Determiner Phrase/DP and Noun Phrase/NP. According to generative linguists, these functional phrases shift between case, gender, number, classifier and quantifier phrases. In the present study, an exo-skeleton analysis is carried out by using Borer’s (2005) model to investigate the structure of Persian Quantifier phrase/#P. Borer (2005) maintains that DP includes #P, Classifier Phrase/CLmax, and NP. The key concept in Borer's exo-skeletal model is the absence of any syntactic information such as syntactic categories in lexicon. In other words, in this model, syntax is responsible for determining syntactic categories not lexicon. In fact, the head of each functional phrase contains an open value that requires an f-morph or an abstract head feature to assign range to this open value. Accordingly, the head of #P is the open-value #, where displays being an open-value and “#” the category. The exo-skeletal analysis of the research data shows that the position of the #P in Persian is after DP and before CLmax. Also, language elements that are capable of assigning range to # include quantifiers such as bærxi/bæʔzi ‘some’, ʔændæki ‘few’, xejli.’many’ etc and cardinals that are placed in the position of #P specifier and the open value # is assigned range via the specifier-head.IntroductionSince the 1980s, following Abney’s (1987) proposal that the structure of the Noun Phrase (NP) parallels with that of the sentence, significant discussions have arisen regarding the nature and the type of functional projections situated between the Determiner Phrase (DP) and the Noun Phrase (NP). Generative linguists generally agree that these functional phrases include categories such as Case, Gender, Number, Classifier, and the Quantifier Phrase. The present study focuses on conducting an Exo-skeletal analysis on the Quantifier Phrase (#P) structure in Persian, utilizing Borer’s (2005) model. The aim is to specify the position and the function of quantifiers and cardinals (numbers) within this functional projection in Persian. Research QuestionsAccordingly, this study addresses the following research questions:How do numerals assign range to the head of the quantifier phrase in Persian, based on Borer’s (2005) Exo-skeletal framework?How do quantifiers assign range to the head of the quantifier phrase in Persian, based on Borer’s (2005) Exo-skeletal framework?Literature ReviewThe Quantifier Phrase is a subject of ongoing theoretical debates. Within generative grammar, this phrase is generally analyzed as a functional projection. Scholars like Giusti (1991) and Shlonsky (1991) maintained that quantifiers (such as Hebrew kol ‘all’ and ‘many children’) function as functional heads, capable of selecting the DP or NP as their complement. However, there is disagreement regarding the structural position of the #P: some place the #P above the DP, while others situate it in an intermediate position, between the DP and the NP, within the DP structure.In Persian language, Samiian (1983) categorized quantifiers based on partitive constructions (e.g., bæʔzi æz ketɑb-hɑ ‘some of the books’ and non-partitive constructions (e.g., xejli ‘much’). Moazami (1385/2006) and Ghadiri (1393/2014) both confirm the existence of the #P in Persian DP structure, though they differ on its precise structural position. Some consider its position within the determiner phrase, while others consider it higher than that. Rahimian and Movloudi (1395/2016) also advocated for the functional category of the #P in Persian, positing that its complement is the Noun Phrase. The review goes under these subheadings. MethodologyThe present study is a descriptive–analytical research. The data of this study consist of sentences, clauses, and quantifier phrases drawn from formal (written) Persian. In order to minimize the influence of sociolinguistic factors, the authors avoided colloquial data as much as possible. In addition, some data were selected on the basis of the authors’ linguistic intuition as native speakers of Persian. Furthermore, Borer’s (2005) Exo-Skeletal approach was adopted for the analysis and explanation of the Persian data.Theoretical FrameworkThis research is grounded in Borer’s (2005) Exo-skeletal model, whose central assumption is that the lexicon lacks syntactic information, including syntactic categories. Instead, syntax is responsible for determining the syntactic categories not lexicon. The head of every functional phrase, in fact, contains an Open Value that requires either an f-morph (independent grammatical functional formative) or an abstract head feature to act as a Range Assigner assign range to this open value. Borer (2005) proposes that the DP structure encompasses #P, CLmax, and NP. Consequently, the head of the #P contains the Open Value #, where denotes the open value status and # designates the Quantifier category. The #P is an intermediate projection within the DP. The range assigner of this functional projection are numerals and quantifiers.ResultsThe Exo-skeletal analysis of the Persian data shows that the position of the quantifier phrase in Persian is lower than DP and #P dominates the CLmax. Elements that function as Range Assigners for the openvalue # include quantifiers such as bærxi/bæʔzi ‘some’, ʔændæki ‘few’, xejli ‘many’, as well as cardinals (numerals). These elements occupy the specifier position of #P and assign range to the head of this projection via Specifier–Head agreement.A further significant finding is that plural inflection (abstract head feature) can’t co-occur simultaneously with quantifiers or cardinals (e.g., *se doxtær-hɑ ‘three girls’) in Persian. Borer (2005) argues for a dividing (partitioning) function of cardinals in some languages, such as Hungarian, provided that plural inflection exists in the language in question and never co-occurs with cardinals or quantifiers. This condition is met in Persian, supporting the analysis of Persian cardinals as dividers. Moreover, the data indicate that cardinals in Persian may also assign range to the head of CLmax, provided that no other Range Assigner is present. When another Range Assigner is available, the cardinal functions merely as a modifier and occupies the specifier position of the quantifier phrase. To account for this behavior, the authors draw a parallel with the distribution of the universal quantifier ‘all’ in English when it co-occurs with a determiner.ConclusionThis study demonstrated the applicability of Borer’s (2005) Exo-skeletal model in explaining the structure of the #P in Persian. The findings confirmed that the Persian #P dominates the CLmax. The main theoretical contribution of the study is the proposal of an additional constraint on Borer’s (2005) conditions governing the range-assigning function of cardinals. According to this constraint, cardinals can assign range to the head of CLmax only in the absence of another Range Assigner in the quantifier phrase; otherwise, they appear as modifiers in the specifier position of this phrase.
Linguistics
Golnaz Modaresi Ghavami; Saeed Anvari
Abstract
AbstractWith the entry of the works of Greek philosophers into the Islamic world, Greek names and terms appeared in various scientific texts of the Islamic civilization. This process, was accompanied by changes in the pronunciation and recording of these names and terms in Arabic, which in turn led to ...
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AbstractWith the entry of the works of Greek philosophers into the Islamic world, Greek names and terms appeared in various scientific texts of the Islamic civilization. This process, was accompanied by changes in the pronunciation and recording of these names and terms in Arabic, which in turn led to the multiplicity and diversity of the written forms of these names and terms. The present study, examines the method of transliterating these terms in Arabic texts of the Islamic period from a linguistic point of view. The results of the present study shows that changes in the pronunciation and consequently writing Greek names in Arabic have resulted from the difference in the set of stops and fricative consonants. The results of this study show that the changes in the pronunciation and writing these names were mainly due to the differences in the phonetic systems of Greek and Arabic, the characteristics of the Arabic writing system, the unfamiliarity of the scribes with the pronunciation of Greek names, and their mistakes in recording the names. However, the problems of the Arabic writing system, such as the lack of letters for short vowels, the presence of dots, the serrations of some letters, and the mistakes of scribes in recording names, have made it difficult in some cases to identify the Greek original name or term. By examining various examples of proper names and philosophical terms, this study has identified specific patterns in the Arabization of Greek names IntroductionThis article examines the different written forms of the proper names of Greek philosophers and sages, as well as certain Greek terms when translated into Arabic during the translation movement in the Islamic world. The aim of the article is to understand the reasons behind different written forms of these names and terms and to provide a basis for predicting their original form when the written form in Arabic is ambiguous.Literature ReviewIbn al-Baytar (1989), Eshkevari (1999), Al-Razi (2001), Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah (2001), and Al-Nuwayri (2002) have briefly and sporadically addressed the change in Greek names and terms when converted into Arabic. They have mentioned the inadequate knowledge of the translators and scribes of the grammar of Greek asone of the sources of the multiplicity of written forms of Greek terms in Arabic texts. At the same time, they have briefly discussed certain changes that occur in Greek terms when adapted to the phonology of Arabic. The present article examines Greek proper names and terms to determine the main reasons for their different written forms in Arabic texts. Moreover, an extensive linguistic analysis of the processes involved in the adaptation of Greek proper names and loanwords into the phonological system of Arabic is provided.MethodologyA list of the proper names of Greek philosophers and sages as well as philosophical terms that have more than one written form in Arabic texts was compiled. Data was examined and categorized into different sets: a) written forms of names and terms resulting from the carelessness of the scribes, b) written forms of names and terms resulting from the translators’ lack of adequate knowledge of the grammar of Greek, and c) written forms of names and terms resulting from the characteristics of the Arabic script, mainly the lack of letters for representing short vowels and the presence of dots.In the process of converting Greek names and terms into Arabic, their written form shows changes that result from the adaptation of their pronunciation into the phonological system of Arabic. The phonetic and the writing systems of the two languages were compared, and data was analyzed based on this comparison with the aim of understanding the adaptation process and to be able to predict the original Greek names and terms when the written form in Arabic is ambiguous. Since most of the translators of Greek sources into Arabic were fluent inSyriac, there was a hypothesis, that is, the changes in the written form of Greek names and terms in Arabic might be the result of interference from the phonology of Syriac. Thus, the phonology of Syriac was also compared with the phonology of Arabic.DiscussionThe study of the written form of Greek proper names and terms in Arabic philosophical texts shows that the features of the Arabic writing system is one of the main reasons behind different written forms of such terms in Arabic terms. The Arabic writing system mainly represents consonants and uses optional diacritics to represent short vowels. In the absence of diacritics, a letter representing a consonant such as <د> can be read [du], [di], [da] if the reader is not familiar with the original pronunciation of the word in which it appears. This writing system also uses dots to differentiate letters representing consonants. Dots can appear above or under a letter and their number can vary from zero to three, as in <ﺒ، ﯿ، ﺘ، ﺛ > that represent the consonants [b, j, t, θ] respectively in Arabic. These features together with the carelessness of the scribes and their unfamiliarity with the original pronunciation of Greek terms have resulted in the multiplicity of the written forms of such terms in Arabic texts.Moreover, the phonological system of the Indo-European Greek language and that of the Semitic Syriac and Arabic languages are not compatible. Syriac and Arabic have very similar phonological systems and the fact that many of the scribes and translators of Greek texts were speakers of Syriac, seems to have had no effect on the transliteration of Greek proper names and terms in Arabic texts. The phonology of Greek has undergone certain changes during centuries. Some recordings of Greek names and terms represent older and others more recent pronunciations. Moreover, Greek consonants are pronounced differently in different phonetic contexts and transliterating letter for letter by some translators unfamiliar with these allophonic variations has resulted in multiple recordings of Greek terms and proper names.In the process of transliteration, the pronunciation of the names of Greek philosophers and sages and terms is adapted into the phonological system of Arabic mainly when it comes to stop and fricative consonantal inventory and syllable structure.ConclusionThe study of Greek proper nouns and terms in Arabic philosophical texts presented in this article reveals that many of these words have been recorded in various forms across different texts, which can sometimes confuse researchers when recording and trying to use the correct form of Greek proper nouns and terms in this language. We have seen that the multiplicity of written forms of these names and terms has several reasons, including the unfamiliarity of the scribes and translators with the pronunciation of these names and terms in Greek, their unfamiliarity with the grammar of Greek, and the features of the Arabic writing system. In the meantime, we know that proper nouns and terms adapt their pronunciation to the phonological system of the target language when transitioning from one language to another, and awareness of these adaptation methods can help researchers record such words more accurately.In this article, we have discussed the phonological correspondences of Greek names and terms in Arabic. The Greek equivalents of many of these names and terms are unclear due to the factors we have mentioned, which makes it difficult to guess their Greek equivalents despite the clear phonological correspondences between the two languages.
Linguistics
Asghar Esmaeili
Abstract
AbstractThe transmission of messages through new communication channels, such as websites, is one of the novel tasks that language has undertaken, and the expansion of such linguistic communications necessitates further research in this area. The plurality of both authors and audiences on websites has ...
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AbstractThe transmission of messages through new communication channels, such as websites, is one of the novel tasks that language has undertaken, and the expansion of such linguistic communications necessitates further research in this area. The plurality of both authors and audiences on websites has resulted in these platforms serving as mediums for promoting either standard or, in some instances, non-standard linguistic patterns; thus, provided that sound and standard prose underpins the writing on these websites, they can also be regarded as tools for teaching standard language models. In this study, the Tabnak news website was examined from this perspective, and its news articles from Farvardin to Shahrivar 1401 were analyzed regarding the application of non-standard linguistic patterns in Persian. Following the analysis, the findings were categorized into three groups: 1. Technical Editing: Involving the punctuation rules of the Persian script. 2. Linguistic Editing: Encompassing the examination of non-standard forms in three categories: nouns, verbs, and particles. 3.Rhetorical Editing: Comprising clichés, improper borrowing of linguistic expressions, and spurious innovations. In each category, non-standard forms were identified and their standard counterparts were provided to reinforce practical applicability. The results indicate that non-standard linguistic patterns were most prevalent in the second category, namely linguistic editing, compared to the other groups. Consequently, there is a clear need for enhanced practical training on this issue for the target audience—namely, journalists and editors of news websites—and, from a research perspective, the generalizability of these findings may be improved by expanding the sample size. IntroductionToday, the Persian language undertakes crucial functions, such as information dissemination, in new contexts like websites. This necessitates an examination of the language and its characteristics within this medium. As the content of these websites is prepared rapidly, meticulous attention to the correct application of linguistic principles diminishes. Consequently, certain non-standard linguistic patterns, particularly those introduced through the translation of foreign news websites, gradually infiltrate the language. Given the vast audience of these media outlets, these patterns are rapidly disseminated and subsequently adopted in other written genres. To prevent this, it is essential to analyze the text of news websites, identify non-standard patterns, and demonstrate their correct forms.The media language variety is used in radio and television, newspapers, non-specialist periodicals, and, more recently, on the internet. Since news websites are considered the modern form of newspapers and periodicals, they fall into this category. The audience for this variety is the public, and due to the high speed of content production, errors and mistakes find their way into its linguistic patterns. Deviation from the standard variety is more prevalent in this genre than in others. Therefore, contributing to the standardization of this variety is of paramount importance, as the ever-increasing audience and the omnipresence (anytime, anywhere access) of digital media exponentially amplify the propagation of non-standard linguistic patterns. Literature ReviewThe following two studies have examined non-standard patterns from the perspectives of technical and linguistic editing:Khalili Ardali, Vahid, et al. (2017). The Status of Persian Writing in High-Traffic National Websites from the Perspective of Technical Editing Principles. Research in Persian Language and Literature, 46, 69-98.Khalili Ardali, Vahid, et al. (2018). Non-Standard Patterns in the Writing of High-Traffic Websites from the Perspective of Linguistic Editing Principles (Verb, Noun, and Particle). Literary Criticism and Stylistics Research, 32, 11-42.The present study, in addition to the two mentioned above, will also address rhetorical editing to provide a more comprehensive overview of non-standard linguistic patterns. DiscussionStandard Persian is the universal and unifying variety among the languages and dialects spoken across various geographical regions of Iran. This variety, which is close to the spoken form, is used by the educated and serves as the language of mass media and education. Standard Persian must convey concepts to the reader or audience using the most fluent words and sentences, a unified orthography, and correct grammar.This language is free from redundancy, cliché, ambiguity, unintended double entendre, colloquialisms, purist tendencies, contrived Arabicisms, calquing from foreign languages, and linguistic errors.In this research, non-standard linguistic patterns on the Tabnak news website were investigated. For this purpose, news items from this website for the period from Farvardin to Shahrivar 1401 (March-September 2022) were initially extracted, amounting to 50 news items per day. These sentences were analyzed at three levels: technical editing, linguistic editing, and rhetorical editing. Results & ConclusionIn the technical editing section, Persian orthography was one of the criteria examined. The results indicated that non-standard forms in compounds (of various types) were repeated 271 times, representing the highest frequency. Following compounds, non-standard spellings of the hamza (glottal stop) with 142 instances ranked second. The third highest frequency belonged to the suffixes -tar and -tarin ‘comparative and superlative’ respectively with 97 instances. The spelling of be (of various types) occurred 82 times; the spelling of in, ān, hamin, hamān, hič ‘this, that, this same, that same, none’ respectively, 69 times; the spelling of possessive pronouns 58 times; prefixes 28 times; words with dual accepted spellings 21 times; and the spelling of -am, -i, ast ‘verb endings and enclitics’ with 14 repetitions, occupied the subsequent ranks.Another part of the technical editing pertained to punctuation. The results of this section were as follows: the incorrect use or omission of the semicolon was more frequent than other punctuation marks. The third part of the technical editing concerned the use of numerals and digits, in which 5 instances non-compliant with the standard pattern were identified from the Tabnak website.To facilitate the analysis, the linguistic editing section was divided into three groups: noun, verb, and particle.In the "noun" section, criteria such as foreign words, common linguistic errors, other linguistic errors, feminine adjectives, non-standard plurals, and the use of definite forms instead of indefinite were analyzed. The most frequent non-standard uses of nouns on the Tabnak news website pertained to linguistic errors.In the linguistic editing of "verbs," non-standard uses such as lengthy verbs, inappropriate verbs, participial phrases, omission of verb components, sequence of verbs, lack of verb agreement, separation of compound verb components, and inappropriate use of the passive voice had the highest frequency on the Tabnak news website.In the linguistic editing of "particles," the non-standard use of prepositions, conjunctions, the object marker rā, and the coordinated use of va ‘and’ and yā ‘or’ were examined, with the highest frequency related to the non-standard use of rā.In the rhetorical editing section, non-standard patterns such as "redundancy," "cliché," "calquing," and "lengthy sentences" were examined, with the highest frequency belonging to calquing.Among the three indices of technical, linguistic, and rhetorical editing, the highest number of non-standard patterns was found in linguistic editing, revealing the necessity for further training and research in this area.The findings of this research can be beneficial and applicable for journalists of news websites, editors, and individuals who publish content in cyberspace.
Linguistics
Azadeh Mirzaei
Abstract
This study investigates the thematic structure of Persian imperative clauses within the framework of Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG), focusing on the concept of Theme. In this framework, the Theme is defined as the first element of a clause that is a Participant, a Process, or a Circumstantial adjunct. ...
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This study investigates the thematic structure of Persian imperative clauses within the framework of Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG), focusing on the concept of Theme. In this framework, the Theme is defined as the first element of a clause that is a Participant, a Process, or a Circumstantial adjunct. In Persian, the unmarked Theme in most constructions follows the pattern of declarative clauses; however, the thematic position in imperative clauses has been little studied. To address this, 2,099 imperative clauses were extracted from the Persian Syntactic Dependency Corpus, and half of them were analyzed for thematic structure. It was hypothesized that in some clauses—particularly those with motion verbs—the verb might serve as the unmarked Theme. The findings reveal that more than 90% of Persian imperatives are verb-final. In about 10% of the clauses, a verb with a clausal complement appears initially, with its complement at the end. Among these, only about 0.5% are simple clauses in which the verb itself occurs in the initial position. Overall, the results show that the thematic pattern of Persian imperative clauses conforms to the verb-final typology of the language.IntroductionSystemic Functional Grammar (SFG) conceptualizes grammar as a meaning-oriented system shaped by social use. Within this framework, each clause simultaneously realizes three metafunctions: experiential, interpersonal, and textual. The experiential metafunction is concerned with processes, participants, and circumstances, while the interpersonal metafunction organizes relations between speakers and addressees; and the textual metafunction organizes the clause as a message in discourse.Central to this metafunction is the notion of Theme, which identifies the element chosen as the point from which the clause unfolds. Thematic choices reflect how speakers manage information flow, relate clauses to their context, and guide addressees toward an intended interpretation. As such, the analysis of thematic structure provides insight into the interface between grammar, discourse, and communicative intent.Cross-linguistic research has shown that unmarked thematic patterns often vary according to clause type. In imperative clauses, for example, most languages display subject omission as a conventional strategy. In English, this pattern typically coincides with verb-initial imperatives, where the Process functions as the unmarked Theme. Persian, however, differs typologically as a verb-final language, raising questions about how imperative clauses are thematically organized within its grammatical system.Although word order and thematic structure in the Persian language have been widely discussed for declarative and interrogative clauses, imperative constructions have received comparatively little systematic attention. This gap is noteworthy given the frequency of imperatives and their central role in instructional, persuasive, and interpersonal discourse.Assuming subject omission in imperative clauses as a cross-linguistic common pattern, the present study focuses on how thematic structure is realized in Persian imperatives. It examines whether the unmarked thematic pattern of Persian declarative clauses extends to imperatives and whether the Process can function as the unmarked Theme, as observed in English. By addressing these questions, the study seeks to identify the unmarked thematic structure of Persian imperative clauses through a corpus-based analysis.Research QuestionsThis study addresses the following research questions:Does the unmarked thematic pattern of Persian declarative clauses extend to imperative clauses?Can the Process (verb) function as the unmarked Theme in Persian imperative clauses, as it does in English?Literature ReviewStudies of word order have long been shaped by typological research, notably the work of Greenberg (1963, 1974), Dryer (1992), and Bybee (2002), which seek to explain cross-linguistic ordering patterns in functional terms. Functional approaches treat word order as a flexible means of organizing discourse rather than a purely syntactic constraint, emphasizing its role in information management and contextual interpretation. Research on Persian has largely concentrated on declarative and interrogative clauses, showing that verb-final order is predominant but readily modified for discourse-related purposes (Dabir-Moghaddam & Sharifi, 2005; Rezaei & Tayyeb, 2006; Tabatabaei & Modarresi, 2017). Corpus-based studies of Persian Wh-questions further indicate that unmarked thematic patterns in Persian differ from those in English and vary according to clause type (Mirzaei, 2019). Despite these advances, the thematic structure of imperative clauses in Persian has received little systematic attention.MethodologyThe data for this study were extracted from the Persian Syntactic Dependency Treebank (Rasooli, et al., 2013). Using verbal mood annotations, 2,099 imperative clauses were identified. From this dataset, 1,276 clauses were selected sequentially for detailed analysis. Each clause was examined for word order and coded for the presence and position of the Process, Participants, Circumstantial adjuncts, and vocatives. This approach allowed for a quantitative and qualitative analysis of thematic patterns in Persian imperative clauses.ResultsThe analysis shows that the vast majority of Persian imperative clauses are verb-final. Verb-initial structures are rare and largely restricted to clauses containing clausal complements.Figure 1Position of the verb in Persian imperative clausesIn verb-final imperatives, Circumstantial adjuncts are the most frequent unmarked Themes, followed by Participants. Figure 2Ordering of circumstances in relation to direct and indirect objectsVocatives typically occur in the initial position but do not function as Themes. The modal adjunct lotfan, ‘please’ appears frequently at the beginning of clauses, but does not alter the underlying verb-final thematic structure. DiscussionThe findings show that Persian imperative clauses differ fundamentally from their English counterparts in thematic structure. The strong preference for verb-final structures reflects broader typological constraints and suggests that thematic choices in the Persian language are shaped primarily by language-specific syntactic patterns rather than by clause type alone. The prominence of Circumstantial adjuncts as Themes highlights the role of contextual framing in Persian directive discourse.ConclusionThis study demonstrates that the unmarked thematic structure of Persian imperative clauses conforms to the verb-final typology of the language. The Process does not function as the unmarked Theme, even in clauses with motion verbs. Instead, non-verbal experiential elements—particularly Circumstantial adjuncts—are favored in the thematic position. These findings contribute to functional and typological studies of Persian and open new avenues for research on the interaction between thematic structure, modality, and polarity in imperative constructions.
