Language Science

A Typological Perspective on the System of MOOD TYPE in Azeri Turkic

Esmaeil Safaei Asl

Volume 12, Issue 21 , March 2025, Pages 9-44

https://doi.org/10.22054/ls.2020.43643.1235

Abstract

AbstractThe present study has been conducted in the framework of Systemic Functional Grammar and on the basis of systemic functional typology, specifically Matthiessen’s typological generalizations. Based on examples taken from various written documents in Azeri Turkic such as grammar books and ... Read More AbstractThe present study has been conducted in the framework of Systemic Functional Grammar and on the basis of systemic functional typology, specifically Matthiessen’s typological generalizations. Based on examples taken from various written documents in Azeri Turkic such as grammar books and a series of stories as well as constructed examples, this study aims to describe the typological behaviors of the MOOD TYPE system in the clause structure of Azeri Turkic in terms of Matthiessen’s typological generalizations regarding the MOOD system. Some results of the present study indicate that Azeri Turkic MOOD TYPE system (1) has all the three declarative, polar interrogative, and imperative moods, (2) uses negative polar interrogatives to indicate the speaker’s positive bias, (3) belongs to the ‘languages that have the Wh-interrogative category’ type, (4) queries just the participants and circumstantial adjuncts in the Wh-interrogatives, (5) belongs to the ‘Wh-in-situ languages’ type, and (6) differentiates the imperative mood from the other mood types.IntroductionThis study, conducted within the framework of Systemic Functional Grammar and based on Matthiessen’s (2004) typology of MOOD TYPE system, as a subsystem within the interpersonal metafunction, aims to investigate and describe the MOOD TYPE system in Azeri Turkic, which belongs to the Southwestern branch of Turkic languages, also known as the Western Oghuz group. Grounded in systemic functional typology, this research seeks empirical generalizations applicable across languages. Matthiessen (2004) has developed descriptive generalizations through comparative analysis of the experiential, logical, interpersonal, and textual systems of various languages, identifying typological universals and variations. Following Matthiessen’s claim that these generalizations can be applied to any language within a Systemic Functional Framework, this study explores the realization of the MOOD TYPE system in Azeri Turkic. Data was collected from diverse sources, including short story collections, academic articles, grammar books on Azeri Turkic, and original examples provided by the researcher. The paper is structured into five sections: introduction, review of related literature, theoretical framework, analysis of MOOD TYPE in Azeri Turkic, and concluding remarks presenting the findings.Literature ReviewThis section reviews several studies on the clause type system, including Mirahmadi’s (2004) Systemic Functional analysis of Persian mood types, Pahlavannajhad & Vazirnejad’s (2004) stylistic study of mood types in Zoya Pirzad’s novel, Najm’s (2008) cross-linguistic comparison of English and Arabic imperatives and exclamatives, Figuerdo’s (2010) description of Portuguese mood types, and traditional grammatical studies on Azerbaijani Turkish by Li (1996), Ahmadi Givi (2004), Dehqani (2000), and Zahedi & Bayan (2008).Unlike previous studies, this research contributes to Systemic Functional Typology by analyzing mood types in Azeri Turkic through a functional lens, aiming to determine whether Matthiessen’s descriptive generalizations can be effectively applied to this language.ResultsThe findings of the present study show that Azeri Turkic identifies four major mood types—declarative, polar interrogative, content interrogative (Wh-questions), and imperative. This confirms Matthiessen’s generalization that declarative, polar interrogative, and imperative clauses are universal, while the presence of content interrogatives places Azeri Turkic among languages that distinguish this category. Polar interrogatives in Azeri Turkic appear in both biased and unbiased forms, marked by particles such as ɒjɒ ‘whether’ for neutral questions and mæjær, mæjæ, bæjæ, or bæ ‘don't/doesn't, didn't’ for biased questions. These markers typically appear at the beginning of the clause, contradicting Matthiessen’s generalization that such particles occur at the end in SOV languages. Additionally, polar interrogatives may be unmarked but distinguished by falling intonation. Content interrogatives are used to inquire about specific elements and are marked by Wh-words such as cim ‘who’, hɒrɒ ‘where’, and nijæ ‘why’. These clauses are clearly differentiated from declaratives through question words and rising intonation, aligning Azeri Turkic with typologically similar languages like English and Japanese, where content and polar interrogatives form a distinct mood type separate from declaratives. In terms of word order, Azeri Turkic follows the canonical position of Wh-elements within the clause rather than fronting them, placing it in the typological category of "Wh-in-situ" languages alongside Persian, Chinese, and Japanese, as opposed to English, French, and German.In Azeri Turkic, as in Persian and English, the imperative mood is marked by the absence of an overt subject, which is usually implied. Unlike in languages such as Mandarin Chinese and Hebrew, where negation in imperatives differs morphologically from declaratives, Azeri Turkic —similar to Persian and English—uses the same negative form across both imperative and non-imperative clauses. This indicates a syntactic independence between the imperative mood and the system of polarity in Azeri Turkic. Another typological feature of imperative clauses is the realization of speech functions relative to the speaker-listener relationship. Azeri Turkic, like German, Persian, and English, offers more delicate choices within the imperative mood to express politeness. For instance, all three languages can use polar interrogatives to represent polite commands.ConclusionThis study was an effort to describe the MOOD TYPE system in Azeri Turkic within a Systemic Functional Typological Framework.Drawing on diverse sources—including short story collections, academic articles, grammar books on Azeri Turkic, and the researcher's linguistic intuition—the study demonstrates that the MOOD TYPE system in Azeri Turkic:includes the three universal mood types: declarative, polar interrogative, and imperative.uses negative polar interrogatives to express the speaker’s positive bias.allows polar interrogatives to be expressed in declarative structure, without any formal marking other than intonation.belongs to the typological category of languages that distinguish content interrogatives (Wh-questions).questions only about participants and peripheral adjuncts—not processes—as interrogative elements in Wh-questions.is classified typologically as a "Wh-in-situ" language, where question words remain in their canonical position rather than being fronted.clearly distinguishes the imperative mood from other mood types.typically omits the addressee (second person) as an unmarked feature in imperative clauses.treats the imperative mood and the system of polarity independently, with no morphological distinction between negative forms in imperatives and non-imperatives.can metaphorically express the speech function of command through polar interrogatives, depending on the social relationship between speaker and listener.Overall, Azeri Turkic exhibits a well-differentiated MOOD TYPE system that aligns with broader systemic functional typological generalizations regarding mood types and their typological variations across languages.

Comparing Basic ML Algorithms for Classifying Allusive vs. Non-Allusive Persian Poetry

Parisa Mohammadian Kalkhoran; Mohammad Bahrani

Volume 12, Issue 21 , March 2025, Pages 45-76

https://doi.org/10.22054/ls.2021.60784.1453

Abstract

AbstractThe present study aims to evaluate the performance of several machine learning methods in classifying Persian poetry into two categories: verses containing allusion and those without allusion. To this end, the following supervised learning algorithms were applied: Naive Bayes, Support Vector ... Read More AbstractThe present study aims to evaluate the performance of several machine learning methods in classifying Persian poetry into two categories: verses containing allusion and those without allusion. To this end, the following supervised learning algorithms were applied: Naive Bayes, Support Vector Machine (SVM), Decision Tree, Random Forest, k-Nearest Neighbors (k-NN), Logistic Regression, and Multilayer Perceptron (MLP). Labeled data were collected and stored in two text files. Each verse was then transformed into a numerical vector representation. After merging the datasets and splitting them into training and testing subsets, each algorithm was implemented on the training data and evaluated on the test set to assess its classification accuracy. The output of each algorithm consisted of predicted labels assigned to the verses. The evaluation methodology used was Leave-One-Out Cross-Validation (LOOCV). The results indicate that Naive Bayes (76.09%), Logistic Regression (76.09%), Multilayer Perceptron (75.22%), and Support Vector Machine (74.35%) performed better than the other algorithms in terms of accuracy. Overall, considering additional metrics such as F1-score and execution time, Naive Bayes demonstrated the best performance among the tested methods.IntroductionPersian poetry is a rich cultural heritage filled with literary devices, one of which is allusion, a rhetorical technique that enriches meaning through indirect references to well-known stories, sayings, or cultural elements. As society becomes increasingly intertwined with technology, there is a growing need to leverage machine learning to preserve and study such literary elements. This study explores the application of supervised machine learning algorithms to classify Persian couplets as either containing allusion or not, thus contributing to the intersection of literary analysis and artificial intelligence.Literature ReviewAllusion has long been recognized as a central rhetorical device in Persian literature. Classical scholars such as Qeys Razi (1372: 279) and the author of Anvār al-Balāgha (17th century AD) defined it as a brief, implicit reference to the well-known texts, events, or sayings. Shamisa (1381: 22) expanded the definition, incorporating references to folklore, customs, and scientific concepts as part of the broader allusive framework. These definitions consistently highlight conciseness, implicitness, and the need for cultural familiarity to interpret the text accurately.A large number of literary studies have focused on identifying allusions in the works of specific poets using manual and qualitative research methods. The field of computational literary studies is relatively underexplored in Persian, though some efforts have been made. For instance, works by Majiri and Minaei (2008) applied text mining techniques for prosodic analysis, while others such as Azin & Bahrani (2014) and Javanmardi & Akbari (2017) explored authorial style classification.Machine learning, particularly supervised learning, has recently emerged as a promising approach in text classification, including applications in authorship attribution, genre detection, and sentiment analysis. However, the use of ML for detecting literary devices like allusion remains limited, especially in Persian literary texts. Two general approaches are used for text classification: vocabulary-based (dictionary-driven) and machine learning-based. This study focuses on the latter, aiming to automatically classify verses using statistical and linguistic features rather than predefined word lists.MethodologyThis study followed a seven-step machine learning pipeline using Python programming language:Data Collection: Allusive verses were extracted from Farhang-e Asatir va Dastanvareha by Mohammad Jafar Yahaghi (1388) and were typed manually. Non-allusive verses were collected from the Ganjoor website (ganjoor.net). The dataset included 300 allusive and 160 non-allusive couplets, stored in separate .txt files.Data Preprocessing: Text normalization and cleaning involved punctuation removal, spacing corrections, and standardization. Tokenization and stop-word removal were conducted using a curated stop-word list tailored to the dataset. Due to the limited data size and poetic language variability, lemmatization was omitted to preserve original word forms.Feature Extraction and Vectorization: The remaining 2107 unique words after preprocessing were treated as features. Two vectorization techniques were used:TF-IDF (Term Frequency–Inverse Document Frequency)Binary Encoding (presence/absence of words)The effect of the vectorization method on classification performance was observed, especially in Logistic Regression and MLP classifiers.Dataset Splitting: The dataset was divided into training and test sets using Leave-One-Out Cross-Validation (LOOCV) to maximize accuracy evaluation on a small dataset.Model Training: Seven supervised machine learning algorithms were trained: Naive Bayes, Support Vector Machine (SVM), Decision Tree, Random Forest, K-Nearest Neighbors (KNN), Logistic Regression, Multilayer Perceptron (MLP).Model Evaluation: Accuracy, F1-score, and execution time were used as performance metrics. LOOCV ensured robust evaluation by testing each data point independently.Output Generation: The predicted label for each couplet was obtained using the trained models. The predicted labels were compared with actual labels to compute accuracy.ResultsThe accuracy scores for the best-performing models were: Naive Bayes: 76.09%, Logistic Regression: 76.09%, Multi-layer Perceptron: 75.22%, SVM: 74.35%.Other models like Decision Tree, Random Forest, and KNN showed lower performance. Notably, most models showed negligible performance differences between the two vectorization methods, except for Logistic Regression and MLP, which exhibited a 10% accuracy gap.DiscussionThe results suggest that simpler models like Naive Bayes can perform competitively in literary text classification tasks, especially when the dataset is limited. The choice of vectorization method had minimal impact on overall accuracy, underscoring the importance of careful feature selection over sophisticated encoding. Despite the challenges of working with poetic texts—including varied structure and archaic language—machine learning offers promising results in detecting abstract literary features like allusion.ConclusionThis study aimed to evaluate the performance of several supervised machine learning algorithms in classifying Persian poetry into two categories: verses containing allusions and those without. Algorithms such as Naive Bayes, Support Vector Machine, Decision Tree, Random Forest, k-Nearest Neighbors, Logistic Regression, and Multilayer Perceptron were applied, with their performance assessed using Leave-One-Out Cross-Validation (LOOCV).The research highlighted several challenges in automatic text classification, especially in Persian poetry, including high feature dimensionality, lexical ambiguities, flexible sentence structures, and stylistic diversity among poets. Specifically, the identification of literary allusions proved to be complex due to the implicit nature of many references, variation in allusion types (e.g., Quranic, mythological, national), and the evolving nature of allusive language over time.Despite these difficulties, some algorithms demonstrated promising results, suggesting that with larger, more diverse datasets and the use of advanced techniques such as transfer learning and pre-trained language models, future efforts in this area could achieve higher accuracy and robustness. The intersection of computational methods and literary analysis presents a valuable avenue for deeper understanding and automated processing of Persian literary texts.

The Discourse of Elderly People with Alzheimer ’s-Type Dementia: Conversational Coherence

Masoud Dehghan; Nima Moshtaghi; Kourosh Saberi

Volume 12, Issue 21 , March 2025, Pages 77-112

https://doi.org/10.22054/ls.2021.58081.1425

Abstract

AbstractCoherence is one of the discourse-building features whose absence in the discourse of the elderly people with senile dementia of the Alzheimer’s type causes their discourse to become misunderstood. So, the present study aims to investigate coherence in the discourse of Kurdish Alzheimer’s ... Read More AbstractCoherence is one of the discourse-building features whose absence in the discourse of the elderly people with senile dementia of the Alzheimer’s type causes their discourse to become misunderstood. So, the present study aims to investigate coherence in the discourse of Kurdish Alzheimer’s type dementia. The methodological nature of this quantitative study is ex post facto type and the statistical population of this study includes 20 subjects (10 senile dementia of the Alzheimer’s type subjects and 10 normal elderly subjects) who were matched by age (63-75), gender (male/female), illiteracy, and native Kurdish (Kalhori dialect) speaking. To determine the severity of dementia, the Clinical Dementia Rating Scale was administered and subjects with the scores between 0.5 and 2 were selected. Then subjects answered questions about their daily routines, families, and celebrating Eid-e Nowrouz. The data were analyzed based on Laine et al.’s view and SPSS 16.0, and an independent T-test was used to obtain the statistic results. The findings indicate that there is a significant difference between the discourse of senile dementia of the Alzheimer’s type and normal elderly subjects in the use of global coherence with P=0.004 and local coherence with P=0.003. The results showed that the use of global and local coherence has less frequency in the discourse of senile dementia of the Alzheimer’s type subjects; however, the absence of global coherence is more obvious. In other words, local coherence occurs more frequently than global coherence.IntroductionAging, an inevitable biological process, often coincides with various neurological disorders that accelerate cognitive decline. Among these, Alzheimer’s disease (AD) is a prevalent form of dementia characterized by progressive memory loss, cognitive impairments, and communicative breakdown. As language is deeply intertwined with cognition, linguistic deterioration is a salient marker of Alzheimer’s disease often observed in both micro- and macro-linguistic dimensions of discourse. One of the key dimensions affected in Alzheimer's-type dementia is the disruption of discourse coherence—a foundational feature enabling the logical and meaningful flow of conversation. While numerous studies have explored lexico-semantic and syntactic impairments in AD patients, relatively less attention has been paid to discourse-level deficits, especially in understudied languages and dialects. The study addresses this gap by focusing on coherence structures in the spontaneous speech of elderly Kurdish speakers (Kalhori dialect) diagnosed with Alzheimer's-type dementia. This research is significant for two reasons. First, it investigates an underrepresented linguistic population. Second, it contributes to the understanding of discourse-level impairments in Alzheimer’s disease by specifically analyzing local and global coherence, two critical constructs in discourse organization. This study explores whether patients with AD exhibit significantly different patterns of coherence in their speech compared to cognitively healthy elderly speakers.Literature ReviewDiscourse coherence encompasses the logical, thematic, and referential connectivity between utterances. It is often divided into local coherence (relationships between adjacent sentences or utterances) and global coherence (thematic consistency across the entire discourse). Van Dijk (1980), Glosser and Deser (1990), and Laine et al. (1998) have provided theoretical frameworks for understanding these coherence types in neurodegenerative contexts.Prior studies (e.g., Ripich & Terrell, 1988; Dijkstra et al., 2002; Kim et al., 2019) have consistently found that AD patients exhibit marked reductions in both coherence types, particularly in global coherence. These impairments are attributed to disruptions in working memory, semantic memory, and executive functioning. In Persian-speaking populations, Golbaz (2007) and Farivar et al. (2019) reported similar coherence deficits in AD patients using narrative and conversational tasks.Furthermore, Lai & Lin (2014) and De Lira et al. (2019) emphasized that coherence impairments, especially in global organization, occur early in the disease course. These impairments often precede more overt syntactic or lexical deficits, highlighting the diagnostic utility of discourse analysis.The current study draws from this body of work while addressing a distinct linguistic and cultural context: elderly, illiterate Kurdish speakers with Alzheimer’s in western Iran—a group previously neglected in psycholinguistic research.The review goes under these subheadings.MethodologyThis was a quantitative, ex post facto (causal-comparative) study designed to compare discourse coherence in two groups of elderly individuals: those diagnosed with Alzheimer’s-type dementia (n = 10) and the cognitively healthy members of the control group (n = 10). All participants were monolingual speakers of Kurdish (Kalhori dialect), aged between 63 and 75, illiterate, and balanced by sex (5 males and 5 females per group).Participants were selected from a nursing home in Kermanshah, Iran, during the winter of 2019. The Clinical Dementia Rating (CDR) scale was used for cognitive screening, and only those with scores between 0.5 and 2 (indicating mild to moderate dementia) were included in the Alzheimer’s group. The control group had CDR scores of 0.Participants engaged in 10-minute semi-structured interviews conducted in Kurdish, addressing topics such as family life, daily routines, and Nowruz celebrations. Responses were audio-recorded, transcribed, and phonetically transcribed. Prolonged pauses (> 20 seconds) were used as cues for question progression. The data were segmented into propositional units (utterances or speech turns).Using Laine et al.'s (1998) framework, each utterance was coded for the presence or absence of local and global coherence. Statistical analyses were conducted in SPSS 16 using an independent t-test to assess differences between the two groups.ResultsThe Alzheimer’s group produced significantly fewer non-repeated words (M = 172.4; SD = 36.5) than the control group (M = 425.4; SD = 123.1).The number of utterances was also lower in the Alzheimer’s group (M = 7.72; SD = 2.01) compared to the control group (M = 23.21; SD = 6.23).Local Coherence: The AD group exhibited a mean score of 59.85 (SD = 11.18), significantly lower than the control group (M = 98.85; SD = 0.86), p = 0.003.Global Coherence: The mean score for the AD group was 40.91 (SD = 10.93), compared to 97.84 (SD = 1.25) in the control group, p = 0.004.Examples of disrupted coherence included irrelevant or off-topic responses, as well as fragmentary or semantically unrelated utterances. While some responses preserved local coherence (e.g., direct answers to questions), they failed to maintain the overall topic, indicating global coherence breakdown.For instance, in response to "Where were you born?" a control participant said, “I was born in Qasr-e Shirin,” maintaining both local and global coherence. In contrast, an AD participant responded, “I had some problems,” showing a loss of global relevance.Global coherence was more impaired than local coherence.Patients with AD relied heavily on immediate lexical cues (suggesting preserved local associations), while struggling with maintaining thematic progression or returning to the topic after digressions.Gender differences were minimal, though a slight trend showed female participants using less global coherence, aligning with prior literature.ConclusionThis study underscores the debilitating effects of Alzheimer’s-type dementia on discourse coherence among elderly Kurdish-speaking individuals. The findings demonstrate that both local and global coherence decline significantly in affected individuals, with global coherence being more severely compromised.These results confirm the crucial role of working memory and semantic integration in sustaining coherent discourse. The disruption of global coherence indicates that patients with AD are unable to maintain a mental representation of the ongoing discourse topic, leading to communication breakdowns.The study's implications extend to clinical linguistics, dementia diagnostics, and caregiving strategies. Discourse analysis may serve as a non-invasive, language-based tool for early detection of cognitive decline. Moreover, the study highlights the need for culturally and linguistically tailored assessment tools for minority language speakers.

Linguistics

A Comparative Study of Source-Goal Asymmetry in Motion Events in Persian, German, and Polish

Ali Jamali; Fatemeh Bashiri

Volume 12, Issue 21 , March 2025, Pages 113-144

https://doi.org/10.22054/ls.2025.77997.1618

Abstract

AbstractAs mentioned in previous studies, in most languages of the world, the Source-Goal asymmetry can be observed at different linguistic levels, such as morphosyntactic, syntactic, and lexical. In this research, the Goal-over-Source Predominance Hypothesis was comparatively investigated in Persian, ... Read More AbstractAs mentioned in previous studies, in most languages of the world, the Source-Goal asymmetry can be observed at different linguistic levels, such as morphosyntactic, syntactic, and lexical. In this research, the Goal-over-Source Predominance Hypothesis was comparatively investigated in Persian, German, and Polish. To this end, we used a series of video clips. It is worth mentioning that the Persian language mainly encodes the path of motion outside the verb root using satellites, which applies to both the source and goal of motion. Therefore, as far as the path is taken into account, the Persian language is typologically classified as a satellite-framed language. In this research, Persian was purposefully compared with two other languages, i.e., German and Polish, which similarly encode the path component outside the verb root. The results of this research showed that in the Persian language, the Goal-over-Source Predominance Hypothesis can be observed in lexical levels as well as semantic distinctions in divergent forms. Therefore, although all three discussed languages show a satellite-framed lexicalization pattern regarding path encoding, they do not necessarily show the same patterns regarding the asymmetry between the source and the goal components. This confirms the intra-linguistic differences of the languages of the world regardless of their lexicalization patterns (i.e., satellite-framed, verb-framed, etc.).IntroductionA motion event typically comprises four conceptual components: the figure (object), the object’s motion, the path along which the figure moves, and the ground (reference frame), relative to which the motion occurs (Talmy, 2000: p. 25). The path component can be schematized into three phases: the initial phase (or source), the medial phase, and the final phase (or goal). These phases may be inherently expressed through verb semantics or explicitly via verb satellites or prepositional phrases.This study adopts the framework of Fagard & Kupka (2021), which examines motion events in German and Polish, to analyze Persian data and address the following questions:How are simple paths (with one Ground) and complex paths (with two or more Grounds) encoded in Persian compared to German and Polish?Does Persian—a satellite-framed language in terms of path encoding—behave similarly to German and Polish (also satellite-framed) in the semantic encoding of goal and source components?Which phase of a motion event (initial or final) do Persian speakers prioritize in their descriptions?Literature ReviewAs Sarda & Fagard (2022) note, the asymmetry in motion events often reflects the tendency for goal prepositional phrases to be expressed more frequently than source phrases. Prior studies have tested this hypothesis using scenarios depicted by medial verbs.Syntactically, Nam (2004) claims that in English, goals are typically mapped onto subjects, while sources prefer adjunct positions, each exhibiting distinct properties in locative alternation. However, other studies on syntax-semantics interactions reveal that this asymmetry is not uniform across all motion verbs but is instead verb-specific.At the pragmatic level, parts of the path may remain unexpressed due to additional cognitive and communicative costs, contradicting Gricean maxims (Grice, 1989). Talmy’s window of attention concept highlights that certain components may be foregrounded (explicitly mentioned), while others remain backgrounded (implicit).MethodologyFollowing Kupka & Willemet (2021), we employed the standardized Path project video clips (Ishibashi et al., 2006) to examine self-agentive motion events and the goal-source asymmetry. These clips depict motion events (e.g., walking into a forest, exiting a cave, or crossing a bridge) and include: (a) 2 training clips, (b) 55 motion-event clips, and (c) 19 filler clips showing other activities. We selected specific clips for Persian analysis to ensure comparability with German and Polish data (Fagard & Kupka, 2021).ConclusionThis study investigated the encoding of source, goal, and medial path in Persian compared to German and Polish. Key findings include: Persian employs various strategies (satellites, adverbs, prepositions) for path encoding. Like German, Persian uses verbs of motion such as ‘come’ and ‘go’ for path but resembles Polish in its limited use of path verbs for source/goal encoding. For complex paths, Persian speakers typically encode source and goal in separate clauses, adhering to temporal order (source-before-goal order), aligning with German and Polish. Persian speakers, like German and Polish speakers, show a strong preference for explicit Ground encoding, particularly for goal-oriented events. In complex paths, Persian tends to encode two Grounds in source-goal sequences, suggesting a typological commonality among the three languages.

The Kermanshahi Variety of Iranian Sign Language and Its Differences from the Tehrani Variety

Yassaman Choubsaz; Sara Siyavoshi; Farzaneh Soleimanbeigi

Volume 12, Issue 21 , March 2025, Pages 145-168

https://doi.org/10.22054/ls.2025.79077.1639

Abstract

AbstractIranian Sign Language serving as the primary means of communication within the deaf community of Iran displays some regional differences. In some regions, these differences are more pronounced in some regions and less so in others. As of now, there has been no examination or study conducted on ... Read More AbstractIranian Sign Language serving as the primary means of communication within the deaf community of Iran displays some regional differences. In some regions, these differences are more pronounced in some regions and less so in others. As of now, there has been no examination or study conducted on Iranian Sign Language in Kermanshah. This study stems from a project aimed at documenting Iranian Sign Language, supported by the Endangered Language Documentation Program. The study enlisted the participation of 54 individuals from the local deaf community in Kermanshah. During the sessions, the participants were asked to produce the manual alphabet signs, fingerspell some words, retell stories, and go through guided conversations. The analysis of the findings revealed that, on the whole, the Kermanshah variant of Iranian Sign Language remains readily intelligible to deaf individuals from other regions of Iran, with differences not significant enough to impede mutual understanding. Nonetheless, subtle distinctions between the Kermanshah variant and more widely studied forms of Iranian Sign Language were noted.Introduction Iranian Sign Language[1][2] is an independent language used by the Deaf community in Iran, and contrary to common belief, it is not a variety of Persian. This language has received little attention in linguistic research and lacks official support—even within Deaf families. Linguists disagree on whether there is only one sign language in Iran or multiple regional varieties. The present study aims to examine the sign language used in Kermanshah and analyze its data using ELAN software, in order to determine whether this variety is independent of the commonly used Iranian Sign Language. Another focus of this research is the variation found in the Baghcheban manual alphabet, which is used for fingerspelling specific words. This alphabet, which dates back nearly a century, is currently used in different forms across various regions of Iran due to changes in Deaf education systems.Literature Review Prior to the 2000s, no detailed linguistic studies had been conducted on Iranian Sign Language, and most available resources focused on its standardization rather than on accurately describing its use within the Deaf community. Since the 2000s, younger researchers—such as Siyavoshi—began exploring the morphology, syntax, phonology, and semantics of Iranian Sign Language (Siyavoshi, 2009; Siyavoshi, 2019; Siyavoshi, 2023). In recent years, educational books and field-based studies have also emerged, including Guity’s doctoral dissertation (2022), which documented sign language data from six cities across Iran. The present study represents the first attempt to document and analyze the sign language used by Deaf individuals in Kermanshah.MethodologyData collection in this study followed the framework proposed by Crasborn and Zwitserlood (2008). The authors received specialized training in sign language documentation at international academic centers, including Leibniz Center for Linguistics and Radboud University in the Netherlands, and collaborated with experienced researchers and Deaf linguists such as Ardavan Guity. Ethical principles were strictly observed, including obtaining informed consent, clearly explaining the research goals in sign language, and ensuring the active involvement of Deaf participants throughout all stages of the project.At the outset, a preliminary workshop was held in which Deaf community members were informed of the study’s purpose. A Deaf research assistant was selected based on certain criteria such as fluency in sign language and strong community ties. In total, 54 participants took part in the study, across two phases—before and after the COVID-19 pandemic—with balanced representation in terms of gender and age groups. Participants were filmed performing four linguistic tasks:Fingerspelling the manual alphabet and Persian words;Producing signs for 100 images;Retelling the stories of two silent films ("The Pear Story" and "The Other Pair");Going through natural guided conversations on everyday topics.A professional camera was used for recording, and careful attention was paid to scene setup and motion capture. The data were then annotated using ELAN software. The tasks of translation and glossing were distributed among team members. Finally, the data and accompanying metadata were uploaded to the archive of the Endangered Languages Archive.Results A general overview of the data collected in this study shows that the Kermanshah variety of Iranian Sign Language is, overall, intelligible to Deaf individuals from other regions of the country, and that the differences are not substantial enough to hinder mutual understanding. However, the findings reveal some minor differences between the Kermanshah variety and the other dialects of Iranian Sign Language that have been studied to date.The first set of differences concerns specific lexical items. Some signs used in the Kermanshah variety differ from those commonly used in Tehran (which has been the most extensively studied), including the signs for /moallem/ ‘teacher’, /mard/ ‘man’, /axbār/ ‘news’, /rustā/ ‘village’, /taqallob/ ‘cheating’, /emtehān/ ‘exam’, /qatār/ ‘train’, and /riyāzi/ ‘mathematics’. In addition to lexical differences, several handshapes in the manual alphabet used in Kermanshah variety differ from those in the Tehran variety. These include the letters [t], [tʃ], [d], [z], [ʒ], [f], and [k].Interestingly, in the Kermanshah Deaf community, multiple variants exist for some letters of the manual alphabet. A likely reason for this is the comparatively limited access of Deaf individuals in Kermanshah to formal Deaf education, especially when compared to their peers in Tehran. Due to receiving less instruction in the manual alphabet (Baghcheban), they have likely learned these signs informally from other Deaf individuals—naturally resulting in more variation.It was also observed that the participants unfamiliar with the signs for less frequently used Persian letters produced the mentioned signs through speculation which further indicates their lack of access to formal sign language education. A third difference is found in the mouth patterns accompanying certain signs in the Kermanshah variety, which differ from those seen in the Tehran variety. Our hypothesis is that these variations may be influenced by the signers’ native spoken language—Kurdish. Thus, these distinctive mouth patterns may reflect features of Kurdish phonology manifesting in sign production.ConclusionOne of the main objectives of this study was to determine whether the sign language used in Kermanshah should be considered an independent variety of Iranian Sign Language. The answer is no; while the Kermanshah variety exhibits minor differences from the more commonly used variety of Iranian Sign Language, communication between the users of the two varieties remains effective and intelligible.The most significant differences were observed at the level of the manual alphabet, where up to five different signs were found for a single letter. This difference is largely due to the diminishing role of formal sign language instruction in Deaf education. Educational policies have gradually phased out sign language teaching in schools for the Deaf, contributing to regional variation in fingerspelling practices.Another key outcome of this research is the documented corpus of the Kermanshah sign language. This resource is now available for future research at www.elararchive.org. Iranian Sign Language is also referred to as Zaban Eshareh Irani (ZEI).

Linguistics

Preference in Strategies of Hiatus Resolutions: An Optimality Theoretic Account of Clitics in Kalhori Kurdish

Tahereh Jafari; Mehdi Fattahi

Volume 12, Issue 21 , March 2025, Pages 169-204

https://doi.org/10.22054/ls.2024.80126.1664

Abstract

AbstractVowel hiatus as one of the intolerable phenomena in most world languages is caused after morphological processes like affixation and cliticization. Each language tries to resolve this situation using the resolutions at hand. This article aims to study the reasons for the diversity in clitics’ ... Read More AbstractVowel hiatus as one of the intolerable phenomena in most world languages is caused after morphological processes like affixation and cliticization. Each language tries to resolve this situation using the resolutions at hand. This article aims to study the reasons for the diversity in clitics’ hiatus resolution in Kalhori Kurdish based on McCarthy (2008). The data were collected, transcribed, and parsed into relevant morphemes through interviewing with 15 speakers of Kalhori Kurdish from Gilan‑e Gharb. Also, a questionnaire including morphology and syntax‑related questions of this dialect were completed by a male and a female speaker of this dialect. After the analysis of the alternating forms of clitics, insertion, glide formation, and deletion were revealed to be the primary, secondary, and tertiary strategies for resolving vowel hiatus. This diversity mainly happens when the conditions for each of these processes are not met, and the hiatus cannot be resolved by only one strategy. Therefore, the important conclusion of this research is that there is a systematic order in the conspiracy and application of the aforementioned processes in this dialect to resolve vowel hiatus in such a way that the deletion strategy is adopted as the last resort.Introduction During affixation and cliticization, when a vowel-initial clitic attaches to a vowel-final host, vowel hiatus occurs—a phenomenon that is generally disfavored across languages. To resolve this, languages employ various strategies such as deletion, insertion, glide formation, coalescence, and morph movement. In Kalhori Kurdish, this issue is resolved through different phonological processes. The present study investigates the strategies adopted in this dialect to resolve vowel hiatus, within the framework of Parallel Optimality Theory. The aim is to identify non-faithful mappings of clitics in the context of vowel hiatus, in order to determine which markedness constraint dominates which faithfulness constraint to avoid hiatus. A secondary objective is to explore whether the variation in these strategies can be attributed to factors such as conspiracy, and whether the application of these processes follows a particular hierarchy of preference. Most importantly, this study seeks to uncover why multiple strategies are employed to resolve a single phonological issue—vowel hiatus.Literature Review Optimality Theory (OT) addresses generalizations and shared goals of linguistic processes. It was first introduced in the early 1990s by Prince & Smolensky (2004). According to this theory, a language is composed of a set of universal, violable constraints, and differences among languages are explained by the ranking of these constraints. Since vowel hiatus is dispreferred in many Iranian languages and its resolution leads to allomorphy in morphemes, various studies have focused on this topic. Among the studies on Kurdish, one may refer to Fattahi (2014), Badakhshan & Zamani (2014), and Fattahi & Choubsaz (2016). Other relevant studies on different Iranian languages include Razinejad (2019), Khorram et al. (2023), and Jam (2023).Methodology Data collection and analysis were carried out through 12 hours of interviews with 15 Kalhori Kurdish speakers from the city of Gilan-e Gharb. After recording the data using an Olympus recorder, they were transcribed using the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA), segmented morphologically and syllabically, and the alternating forms were extracted. Additionally, a questionnaire focusing on Kalhori Kurdish morphology and syntax was completed by one male and one female native speaker. Valuable data were obtained through this method as well.ResultsA general analysis of the alternating forms of clitics revealed that the processes used to resolve vowel hiatus in these morphemes include insertion, glide formation, and deletion, and that these strategies follow a specific hierarchy. Evidence showed that the highest priority in resolving vowel hiatus is inserting a glide corresponding to V1. In the framework of Optimality Theory, this implies the dominance of the markedness constraint Onset over the faithfulness constraint Dep G (V1). If a corresponding glide for V1 is not present in the phonological system of the dialect, glide formation of V2 serves as the second strategy. This corresponds to the optimal candidate violating the faithfulness constraint Ident (V2) in favor of satisfying Onset—in other words, Onset dominates Ident (V2). Data related to deletion indicated that deletion is the third and last strategy, used only when neither of the previous strategies—glide insertion or glide formation—is applicable; that is, when there is no corresponding glide for either V1 or V2. In such cases, deleting the clitic vowel implies that Onset dominates the constraint Maxlex. The three tableaux below represent these constraint interactions for insertion, glide formation, and deletion respectively. Investigating the hierarchy of these strategies led to the discovery of more constraints and more complex dominance relations, the results of which are shown in these tableaux.Onset, Dep g (v2)>> Dep g (v1)Dep g (v1)Dep g (v2)Onset/rɑzi‑y/* a.F rɑ.zi.jy *Wb. rɑ.zi.y *W c. rɑ.zi.ɥyOnset, Ident (v1)>> Ident (v2)Ident (v2)Ident (v1)Onset/ɡowrɑ‑id/* a.F ɡow.rɑjdL *Wb. ɡow.rɑ.idL*W c. ɡow.rɑ̯idMax (V [+low]) LEX, Maxlex >> Ident (v2)>> Dep g (v1)/ɡowrɑ‑id/Onset*Dep g(v2)Max(v[+low])lexMaxlexId(v2)Dep g(v1)a.F ɡow.rɑjd * b. ɡow.rɑ.ɑ̯id *W L*Wc. ɡow.rid *W*WL d. ɡow.rɑd *WL e. ɡow.rɑ.jid *W L f. ɡow.rɑ.id*W L Onset, * Dep g (v2) >> MAX (V [+low]) lex, Maxlex>> Ident (v2)>> Dep g (v1)/xɑɫu‑id/Onset*Depg (v2)Max(v[+low]) lexMaxlexId(v2)Dep g (v1)a.F xɑ.ɫu.wid *b. xɑ.ɫujd *WLc. xɑ.ɫud *W Ld. xɑ.ɫu.jid *W L/ɡowrɑ‑id/ a.F ɡow.rɑjd * b. ɡow.rɑ.ɑ̯id *W L*Wc. ɡow.rid *W*WL d. ɡow.rɑd *WL e. ɡow.rɑ.id*W L f. ɡow.rɑ.jid *W L /mɑˈɫæ‑æɡæ/ a.F mɑ.ˈɫæ.ɡæ ** b. mɑ.ˈɫææ̯.ɡæ *W LL *Wc. mɑ.ˈɫæ.æ.ɡæ*W LL d.mɑ.ˈɫæ. æ̯æ.ɡæ *W*WLL ConclusionThe study of strategies for resolving vowel hiatus in Kalhori Kurdish clitics led us to the conclusion that the first priority for these morphemes, when encountering vowel hiatus, is the insertion of a glide corresponding to V1. Further investigation revealed that glide insertion is not always a viable solution, since some of the vowels involved in the hiatus do not have corresponding glides in Kalhori Kurdish. Therefore, the second strategy is to convert V2 into its corresponding glide. However, as stated earlier, not all vowels in Kalhori Kurdish have corresponding glides, making glide formation impossible in certain cases. As a result, the third strategy is the deletion of one of the vowels involved in the hiatus. Although the preference is to delete the non-low vowel, in sequences like /ɑæ/, /æe/, /ææ/, /ɑe/, the deletion of a low vowel becomes inevitable. Based on the evidence gathered, it can be concluded that there is a hierarchy and conspiracy among the processes of insertion, glide formation, and deletion in resolving vowel hiatus. The Hasse diagram below displays all the constraints discovered and the dominance relations among them.

Linguistics

The Effect of Language Contact on Word Order in the Arabkhaneh Dialect: A Typological Approach

zohreh daneshmand; Mohammad Amin Nasseh

Volume 12, Issue 21 , March 2025, Pages 205-230

https://doi.org/10.22054/ls.2024.79864.1660

Abstract

AbstractIn this study, the word orders of the Arabic dialect of Arabkhaneh in South Khorasan have been investigated from a typological point of view. Arabkhaneh is a region consisting of several villages, 90 kilometers south of the center of South Khorasan whose mixed Arabic-Persian dialect, has been ... Read More AbstractIn this study, the word orders of the Arabic dialect of Arabkhaneh in South Khorasan have been investigated from a typological point of view. Arabkhaneh is a region consisting of several villages, 90 kilometers south of the center of South Khorasan whose mixed Arabic-Persian dialect, has been heavily influenced by the surrounding Persian language at all linguistic levels (morphological, syntactic, and phonological features). In this research, Dryer’s (1992) “The Word Order Correlations” and Dabir-Moghadam’s (1402) “Typology of Iranian Languages” were chosen as the frameworks to investigate the word order of Arabkhaneh's dialect. In the present study, the question that occupied the minds of researchers were as follows: 1) In which linguistic components has the Arabkhaneh dialect been deviated from standard Arabic typological patterns, and 2) in which components it has approached Persian linguistic typological patterns? In this research, in addition to using the questionnaire, certain interviews were conducted with 10 native speakers of Arabkhaneh who were illiterate (5 men and 5 women) and over 60 years old. After gathering the data, plenty of time was spent on data transcription using International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) and the analysis of data. Analyzing the data, as regards to the typological behavior of the Arabkhaneh dialect, demonstrated that the dialect has diverged from standard Arabic patterns in certain components while in other components, the criterion has approached Persian. Furthermore, regarding components where standard Arabic accommodates two types of linguistic behavior, the Arabkhaneh dialect has accepted the Persian type and has shown no inclination towards using the second typeIntroductionThis research aims to identify the word orders of the Arabic dialect of Arabkhaneh from a typological point of view. Arabkhaneh, a region in the southeastern part of South Khorasan Province, is home to a mixed Arabic-Persian dialect heavily influenced by surrounding Persian across at all linguistic levels. Currently, Arabkhaneh is among the most densely populated areas within the Sardaran District, Nehbandan County, with approximately 3,600 residents. The historical origins of the Arab community's settlement in southern Khorasan have remained undocumented and ambiguous. However, linguistic analyses of Arabic-speaking populations in South Khorasan, along with historical accounts of the Naderi era, suggest that the people of Arabkhaneh were not part of the initial Arab settlers who entered southern Khorasan during the early Islamic conquests. Evidence indicates that they were likely relocated to southern South Khorasan by Nader Shah from the southern ports of Iran.Literature ReviewThis section reviews typological studies relevant to Standard Arabic and the Arabkhaneh dialect. Typological studies have illuminated the impact of language contact on syntactic and morphological shifts in dialects. The Arabkhaneh dialect, a unique mix of Arabic-Persian spoken in South Khorasan, is an example of such linguistic influence. Deeply affected by Persian at various linguistic levels, it diverges from standard Arabic norms. Studies like Al-Sha'er (2019) have underscored the strong verb-medial tendencies in Standard Arabic, while Mofidi (2019) explored case-marking systems, revealing diverse nominal structures. Furthermore, Rahmeh (2020) provided a comparative typological analysis of Persian and Arabic, identifying crucial syntactic variations. Despite these valuable contributions, typological analysis of the Arabkhaneh dialect remains sparse, particularly concerning its deviation from Arabic and alignment with Persian. Comprehensive studies specifically targeting Arabkhaneh include Nasseh (2008), who examined Persian-Arabic interactions in Arabkhaneh, and Jani (2008) who studied Arabkhaneh's linguistic divergence from other South Khorasan Arabic dialects. However, a systematic typological analysis employing Dryer's (1992) word order correlations and Dabir-Moghaddam's (2023) Iranian language framework has been largely absent. This study addresses that gap and focuses on word order patterns to identify where Arabkhaneh diverges from Arabic and approaches Persian.Materials and MethodsThe linguistic community of this study consists of 10 semi-literate native speakers from the Arabkhaneh region (5 men and 5 women over the age of 60). Data were gathered from natural conversations involving the participants and their companions. In conducting this research, the authors have followed the framework outlined in Typology of Iranian Languages by Dabir-Moghaddam (2023), which is based on Dryer's 24 universal components. As mentioned before, Dryer (1992) introduces 23 universal components and provides a separate table for each one. In addition to these 23 components, the researchers utilized 6 other components that Dryer added to his database and shared with Dabir-Moghaddam. These additional components were incorporated into the study of the Arabkhaneh dialect. Following the analysis, it was found that four of these components do not apply to the Arabkhaneh dialect. Consequently, the final investigation proceeded with 25 components, which were employed to identify the typological features and syntactic behaviors of the dialect. The four non-applicable components were as follows: 1) The order of plural noun and noun, 2) The order of main verb and negative auxiliary, 3) The order of noun and free morpheme, 4) The order of negative affix and verb. To enable implicit comparative analysis of the linguistic behavior of Arabkhaneh with Standard Arabic, the researchers sought consultation from an experienced Arabic language instructor. For each example from the Arabkhaneh dialect across the various components, its Standard Arabic equivalent was provided in quotation marks and was italicized. Among the 25 examined components, eight typological features of the Arabkhaneh dialect are highlighted below. These features illustrate its divergence from Standard Arabic and its convergence toward Standard Persian. Additionally, there are instances where Standard Arabic presents two different syntactic structures, yet the Arabkhaneh dialect exclusively adopts the form aligned with Standard Persian, showing no inclination toward the alternative structure. Collectively, these examples reflect the linguistic influence of Persian on the Arabkhaneh dialect through language contact. It is noteworthy that the numbering of the components in this study aligns with the sequence presented in Typology of Iranian Languages by Dabir-Moghaddam (2023).ResultsThe results reveal that the Arabkhaneh dialect exhibits distinctive word order patterns that significantly differ from Standard Arabic and mirror Persian structures. The analysis of 25 typological features indicates that Arabkhaneh consistently adopts Persian-like word orders including:a) Adverbs preceding verbs, contrasting the standard Arabic structure; b) Subjects preceding verbs, aligning with Persian syntax;c) Interrogative markers ('هل' or 'أ') are absent, replaced by intonational cues similar to Persian;d) Predicate adjectives and demonstratives precede nouns, following Persian ordering.DiscussionThe syntactic alignment of Arabkhaneh with Persian reflects the profound bilingualism in South Khorasan, where Persian dominates as the primary medium in educational and administrative settings. Unlike the verb-initial order typical of Arabic, Arabkhaneh adopts the subject-verb structure as a basic characteristic of Persian. This realignment suggests a syntactic restructuring beyond mere lexical borrowing, driven by consistent language contact. The positioning of adverbs and interrogatives mirrors Persian conventions and signifies a typological convergence that reshapes Arabkhaneh's linguistic identity. These syntactic changes not only influence everyday communication but also challenge the preservation of Arabic's typological integrity in the region.ConclusionThis study underscores the typological transformation of the Arabkhaneh dialect as a consequence of sustained Persian influence. Its divergence from Arabic and approaching Persian exemplify the fluidity of grammatical structures under prolonged language contact. Further research is recommended to investigate the sociolinguistic factors driving these shifts and to assess their implications for the dialect's sustainability and linguistic identity preservation.

Linguistics

Incorporation in Verbal Compounds of Persian: A Morphological, Syntactic or Morpho-syntactic Process?

Mousa Ghonchepour

Volume 12, Issue 21 , March 2025, Pages 231-266

https://doi.org/10.22054/ls.2025.80695.1669

Abstract

AbstractThis article studies 8,579 verbal compound words in contemporary Persian, focusing on the role of the incorporation process in their formation. The data revealed that this productive category was created through the incorporation of arguments, adjuncts, and syntactic phrases with the verbal stem. ... Read More AbstractThis article studies 8,579 verbal compound words in contemporary Persian, focusing on the role of the incorporation process in their formation. The data revealed that this productive category was created through the incorporation of arguments, adjuncts, and syntactic phrases with the verbal stem. The non-head constituents of verbal compounds can function as subjects, direct objects, indirect objects, adverbs, adjectives, pronouns, objects along with the subjects, noun phrases, adjective phrases and adverb phrases. The tree diagrams of verbal compounds show that the movement of constituents based on syntactic incorporation in Persian deviates from head movement constraint, empty category, and projection principles. Moreover, non-referentiality of non-head constituents, head-final feature of verbal compounds contrary to syntactic phrases, opacity of verbal compounds, valence-changing of verb while passing from D-structure into S-structure, economic principle, formation of the whole meaning, and multi-incorporation are the reasons indicating that morphological incorporation plays a role in forming verbal compounds in Persian. In this approach, verbal compounds are formed without syntactic transformation constraints and with directly combining constituents. Other pieces of evidence namely the referentiality of non-head constituents, head-initial verbal compounds, phrasal verbal compounds, extendable verbal compounds, and coordination indicate that syntactic incorporation also contributes to the formation of verbal compounds. In general, the study concludes that neither morphological nor syntactic incorporations alone play a role in forming verbal compounds, but the pseudo-incorporation actively forms this productive category in Persian.IntroductionIn compounding studies, two types of compounding are discussed: verbal and non-verbal. Verbal compounds are formed by incorporating elements such as subjects, adjuncts, adjectives, and syntactic phrases into a verb-derived structure, where the verb serves as the syntactic head. In non-verbal compounds, the verb is either absent or not the syntactic head. Various approaches exist regarding the role of incorporation in verbal compounding. Some linguists, such as Baker (1988) and Brunelli (2003), argue that compounding arises through syntactic movement and requires a syntactic phrase. Others, like Rosen (1989) and Ackema & Neeleman (2004, 2007), view compounding as a morphological and lexical process where elements are combined directly without head movement. A third approach, semantic/quasi-incorporation (Van Geenhoven, 2002), posits that compounding occurs in syntax without head movement. Since no prior research has adopted this perspective, this study examines Persian verbal compounds through the lens of incorporation, aiming to identify and analyze the involved processes (syntactic, morphological, or semantic).Literature Review2.1. Studies by Iranian LinguistsThis section reviews works by Dabir-Moghaddam (1997), Karimi-Doostan (1997), Arkan (2006), Shaghaghi (2007), and Mansouri (2007). Dabir-Moghaddam analyzes incorporation under the term compound verbs, distinguishing between compounding and incorporation as word-formation processes with varying productivity. Karimi-Doostan defines Persian compound verbs as non-verbal elements (nouns, adjectives, adverbs, prepositional phrases) combined with light verbs, and appearing idiomatically and compositional. Arkan views incorporation as the attachment of an internal argument to a transitive verb. Shaghaghi defines it as placing a verb’s argument adjacent to it to form a new verb, categorizing expandable and non-expandable types. Mansouri classifies incorporation into certain subtypes, such as noun incorporation with simple verbs, compound verbs, prepositional phrases, and ditransitive clauses.2.2. Studies by Non-Iranian LinguistsThis section discusses Sapir (1911), Sadock (1980), Baker (1988), Gerdts (2001), Spencer (2000), and Anderson (2001). Sapir (1911) describes noun incorporation as a lexical process in Native American languages. Sadock (1980) argues that noun incorporation involves two stems, formed via bound morphemes and syntactic rules in polysynthetic languages. Baker (1988) treats it as the syntactic movement from direct object positions, adhering to the Empty Category Principle. Spencer (2000) claims that many valency-changing processes (e.g., incorporation) are lexical, conflicting with Baker’s syntactic theory. Gerdts (2001) defines incorporation as combining a word with an element that becomes part of the noun stem. Anderson (2001) considers direct object incorporation with transitive verbs as true incorporation, viewing syntactic and lexical analyses as complementary.MethodologyIn this descriptive-analytical study, Persian verbal compound words were examined with respect to various approaches concerning their formation in the syntactic, morphological, or morpho-syntactic domains. Initially, the compounds were identified and classified based on their syntactic and semantic heads. Subsequently, the compounds were tested and analyzed using existing theories related to incorporation and compounding. Moreover, considering the syntactic and morphological evidence present in the structure of Persian verbal compounds, the study investigated which of the syntactic, morphological, or morpho-syntactic approaches plays the most significant role in their formation. Finally, through the analysis of the frequency and nature of the collected evidence, it was determined that Persian verbal compounds are predominantly shaped by morphological, syntactic, or a combination of both processes. This methodology allows for a more precise and comprehensive analysis of the mechanisms involved in the formation of verbal compounds.Data on Persian Verbal Compounding4.1. Morphological Role in Verbal CompoundingThe analysis of Persian verbal compounds shows that, contrary to Baker’s view (incorporation as head movement of direct objects), verbal compounds can incorporate subjects, adverbs, or adjectives. Syntactic approaches inadequately explain these cases, whereas morphological approaches allow direct merger of elements without constraints. In Persian, movement typically proceeds downward in the tree, violating Chomsky’s Projection Principle. Non-head elements are often non-referential, and compounds are head-final. Idiomatic compounds lose their literal meaning, and multiple incorporation suggests that morphology has greater flexibility than syntax. Overall, Persian verbal compounding is primarily lexical and morphological.4.2. Syntactic Role in Verbal CompoundingSyntax plays a role in some Persian compounds. For example, compounds like xodā-dād ‘god-given’ and amir-dād ‘amir-given’ contain referential non-heads (referring to specific entities), behaving like syntactic phrases, though such cases are rare. Compounds like āzmude-kār ‘experienced-worker’ and šekaste-del ‘broken-hearted’ feature initial heads, aligning with syntactic phrase structure. Prepositional phrases (e.g., dīn- be- donyā- foruš, ‘selling faith for worldly gain’) and expandable compounds (e.g., mehmān-xāne-dār ‘guesthouse-keeper’) demonstrate syntactic participation. Compounds like dast-dovom-foruši ‘second-hand-selling’ and gol-o-bute-dār ‘flower-and-shrub-having’ reveal syntactic rule application.DiscussionVerbal compounding in Persian involves placing a non-verbal element adjacent to a verb-derived element such that the non-verbal element functions as the subject or adjunct of the verbal structure. Incorporation is the process of creating a single word through the movement of an element alongside the verbal head. These two processes share similarities in terms of their constituent elements. Verbal compounds such as dandān-gir ‘pliers’ and āb-o-nān-dār ‘water-and-bread-holder’ demonstrate that compounds are not solely formed from words but also from smaller units (roots, stems) and larger units (phrases).There are ongoing morphological and syntactic debates regarding incorporation. The syntactic approach cannot adequately explain compounds like mive-forūš ‘fruit-seller’ or dandān-gir, because the movement of elements violates the Head Movement Constraint and the Projection Principle. Incorporation in Persian aligns more closely with Rosen’s (1989) model, in which the verb’s valency is reduced, as seen in examples such as dom-boride ‘tail-cut’ and dahān-por-kon ‘mouth-filler’.However, the data indicate that the formation of verbal compounds is neither purely morphological nor purely syntactic but rather a combination of both domains. The accepted semantic/quasi-incorporation approach supports the joint involvement of syntax and morphology in constructing verbal compounds. This approach can also explain structures involving syntactic phrase elements, such as no-āmuz ‘new-learner’ and xod-āmuz ‘self-learner’ConclusionThis study is significant because it provides a detailed and comprehensive examination of the formation processes of Persian verbal compounds and clarifies the simultaneous role of syntax and morphology in these structures. The findings show that Persian verbal compounds result from a complex interaction between morphological and syntactic processes. Key findings include the multifunctionality of the non-head element (a morphological feature) and the referentiality of the non-head element (a syntactic feature). Furthermore, this research emphasizes that the combined semantic/quasi-incorporation approach offers the best theoretical framework for analyzing Persian verbal compounds, as it can also account for more complex structures involving syntactic phrase elements. These results contribute substantially to the development of linguistic theories related to compounding and incorporation.

Linguistics

Passivization of Ditransitive Verbs in Persian Based on Symmetric Move Approach

سید مهدی ساداتی نوش آبادی; hengameh vaezi

Volume 12, Issue 21 , March 2025, Pages 267-304

https://doi.org/10.22054/ls.2025.81183.1672

Abstract

AbstractThis research examines the passivization of sentences with ditransitive verbs in Persian, based on the notion of symmetric move. The two objects of these sentences can move to the specifier of the tense head in the passive sentence. However, according to the Shortest Move principle in the Minimalism ... Read More AbstractThis research examines the passivization of sentences with ditransitive verbs in Persian, based on the notion of symmetric move. The two objects of these sentences can move to the specifier of the tense head in the passive sentence. However, according to the Shortest Move principle in the Minimalism Programme, only the nearest constituent to the probe head should be allowed to move. The study results, based on Persian language samples, indicate that the direct and indirect object can move to the specifier of the tense head in passive sentences with ditransitive verbs but moving the indirect object to this position produces semantically marked sentence. Furthermore, making the passive voice of these sentences is free from the specificity and definiteness feature of the direct object, which is determined by the presence or absence of the accusative case form ra. This study also found that the linear order of objects and the semantic roles of the indirect object in the active sentence do not affect the feasibility of transforming sentences with ditransitive verbs into the passive form in Persian language.IntroductionBased on the traditional notion of ditransitive verbs, also known as three-placed predicates, these verbs have one direct and one indirect object. In Persian, the direct object, when definite, is marked by the preposition ra, while the indirect object, regardless of its definiteness, is introduced by a preposition and can carry various thematic roles such as beneficiary, goal, place, tool, or source.Citko (2011a) categorizes languages according to whether, in passivization, the direct object, the indirect object, or both can become the subject of the sentence. In some languages, only one of the objects can be promoted to subject position in passives (asymmetric passive), whereas in others, both the direct and indirect objects can undergo this movement (symmetric passive). Citko (2011a:5) provided empirical evidence supporting the existence of symmetry in syntax and argued that syntactic operations (such as merge, move, and label) are inherently symmetric.In the hierarchical structure of passive sentences containing three-placed predicates, Citko (2011a:109) identifies a probe that has an uninterpretable EPP feature, along with two nominal groups—the direct and indirect objects—that each bear an interpretable [N] feature. This syntactic arrangement is represented in the following figure: Figure 1. The hierarchical structure of ditransitive sentence based on Citko (2011a:109) Citko's research demonstrated that in languages like English, Norwegian, and Icelandic, both the direct and indirect objects (labeled α and β) can move to the specifier of the λ-head to satisfy the uninterpretable feature. However, in some languages, only one of these objects can move due to the Shortest Movement principle, which dictates that only the nearest constituent can occupy the specifier position.This research investigates three primary questions in the context of Persian:Is it possible to passivize sentences with ditransitive verbs in Persian?Can both direct and indirect objects move to the specifier of the tense head in Persian passives and serve as the subject?If both movements are possible, do the resulting passive sentences differ in form or meaning?Literature ReviewThree-placed predicates have been extensively studied in various languages within the generative grammar framework. Scholars such as Oehrle (1976), Czepluch (1982), Kayne (1984), Siewierska (1998), Peterson (2007), and Citko (2011a, Citko et al. 2017) have explored this topic in languages other than Persian. In Persian, notable studies include Moayedi and Lotfi (2013), Zarei et al. (2019), and Tabibzadeh (2006).A key cross-linguistic difference relates to the capacity for symmetric passive constructions—that is, whether both direct and indirect objects can move to the specifier of the tense head in the passive voice. This topic has been prominently investigated in Bantu languages. For example, in Swahili, both the direct object and the indirect object with a locative role can be promoted to subject position in passive constructions, resulting in grammatical sentences. However, other indirect objects, such as those with the thematic roles of beneficiary or goal, cannot be promoted in the same way.Negonyani (1996:38-39) explained that when forming a passive sentence from an active sentence containing a direct object and an indirect object with beneficiary or goal roles, only the indirect object can become the subject in the passive form. Movement of the direct object to the subject position in such cases leads to ungrammatical sentences.MethodologyThis research applies the Symmetric Move framework proposed by Citko (2011a) to investigate passivization of ditransitive verbs in Persian. In this model, both the direct and indirect objects in a ditransitive construction are candidates for movement to the specifier of the tense head in passives. Citko (2011a:109) identifies four typological patterns regarding the movement of objects in passives:Only the indirect object moves to the specifier of the tense head (e.g., Danish).Only the direct object moves (e.g., Spanish and German, where indirect objects have distinct case marking).Both objects can move, yielding grammatical sentences (e.g., English and Icelandic).Neither object can move to the specifier of the tense head.Additionally, Citko (2011a:145) proposed that case valuation for direct and indirect objects in applicative constructions originates from two syntactic heads: the applicative head and the little vP head. If both objects carry structural case features, the applicative head assigns the case for the direct object, and the little vP head handles the indirect object’s case valuation:Figure 2: Valuing the case feature of the direct and indirect objects based on Citko (2011a:145) In the process of passivization, the passive maximal projection head absorbs the case-assigning capability of one of these heads. If the ability of the little vP head to value the case of the indirect object is absorbed, the tense head will assign case to the indirect object, prompting its movement to the specifier position via the EPP feature. Conversely, if the applicative head’s case assignment ability is absorbed, the direct object is assigned case by the tense head and moves accordingly. This theoretical framework accounts for cross-linguistic variation regarding which object can move in passive constructions. Whether the applicative head or little vP head is neutralized by the passive projection determines the path of object movement.ConclusionBy applying Citko’s (2011a) Symmetric Move framework to Persian, this study examined various constructions containing ditransitive verbs, while considering factors like word order, animacy, definiteness, and thematic roles of the objects.The results indicate that in Persian, ditransitive verbs can indeed be passivized, and both direct and indirect objects are structurally capable of moving to the specifier of the tense head in passive constructions. However, when the indirect object moves to this position, the resulting sentence tends to be semantically marked, suggesting a degree of pragmatic or interpretive markedness even though the structure is grammatical.Moreover, the study found that semantic features of the direct object, such as animacy, and the thematic roles of the indirect object (beneficiary, goal, place, tool, etc.) do not constrain the formation of passive sentences in Persian. Additionally, the relative word order of the two objects in the active sentence does not affect the possibility or grammaticality of forming the passive sentence.In summary, Persian exhibits a type of symmetric passive capability, comparable to languages like English and Icelandic, although certain movements, particularly involving the indirect object, result in semantically marked outputs. This insight enriches the typological understanding of Persian in the context of passivization and object movement in ditransitive constructions.

Linguistics

Standardization of the Lexical-Semantic Subtests of the Persian Version of the Montreal Protocol for the Evaluation of Communication (PMEC)

Shahla Raghibdoust

Volume 12, Issue 21 , March 2025, Pages 305-334

https://doi.org/10.22054/ls.2025.86349.1721

Abstract

AbstractNumerous studies over the past half-century have demonstrated that, in addition to the dominant role of the left hemisphere in language processing, the right hemisphere also contributes to the processing of various linguistic and communicative aspects. “The Montreal protocol for the evaluation ... Read More AbstractNumerous studies over the past half-century have demonstrated that, in addition to the dominant role of the left hemisphere in language processing, the right hemisphere also contributes to the processing of various linguistic and communicative aspects. “The Montreal protocol for the evaluation of communication (MEC)”, developed in 2004, is a comprehensive tool to evaluate four communication skills, namely prosodic, lexical-semantic, discourse, and pragmatic skills in patients with right hemisphere brain damage. This study aims to introduce and standardize four subtests of the lexical-semantic skill (verbal fluency without constraint, verbal fluency with orthographic criteria (b), verbal fluency with semantic criteria (clothes), and semantic judgment) of the Persian version of the MEC. To this purpose, 150 healthy Persian-speaking adults were assessed in two age groups (25–44 and 45–64 years) and two educational levels (less than 12 years, and 12 years or more of formal education). The results confirmed the validity and reliability of the subtests in evaluating lexical-semantic language abilities in Persian. Also, consistent with the previous research on the PMEC’s pragmatic skill, the education variable had a significant than the age variable in most subtests.IntroductionBased on numerous studies conducted in various languages, it has been widely accepted that individuals' linguistic and communicative abilities can be disrupted as a result of damage to the right hemisphere and certain non-traditional language areas. Lexical-semantic skills are among the competencies that may be affected in various ways following injury to the right hemisphere. The primary aim of developing the initial version of the “Montreal protocol for the evaluation of communication (MEC)” (Joanette et al., 2004), originally developed in French, was to evaluate different types of communicative skills in patients with right-hemisphere damage. This protocol, considered as the most comprehensive and precise tool to date for assessing the communicative abilities of the right hemisphere, has been translated into several languages over the past two decades, including Persian. The present study aims to present the results of the standardization process of the subtests related to the lexical-semantic section of the protocol in Persian.Literature ReviewPrevious studies have demonstrated the significant role of the right hemisphere in semantic and lexical processing. Conducting a lexical decision task, Day (1977) found that the right hemisphere is capable of recognizing and classifying concrete nouns; however, its ability to process abstract nouns is markedly limited, suggesting that the processing of abstract terms predominantly occurs in the left hemisphere. Joanette et al. (1988) indicated that the right hemisphere’s role is crucial in certain aspects of lexical-semantic processing essential for speech production. Goulet et al. (1997) reported that the right hemisphere plays an important role in word fluency tasks, and the right hemisphere-damaged patients do not show a dissociation in their performance with respect to the semantic-orthographic criteria of the words. Passeri et al. (2015) concluded that both hemispheres are involved in categorizing common nouns, with the right hemisphere contributing more extensively to the semantic categorization of uncommon or abstract nouns. Torabi (2020) has shown that Persian-speaking patients with right hemisphere damage exhibit more heterogeneous deficits in lexical-semantic skills compared to the control group, confirming the involvement of the right hemisphere in semantic processing. Moreover, Modarresi Tehrani et al. (2021) based on the Persian version of the Montreal protocol found that the lesions in the right hemisphere can impair lexical-semantic processing in Persian-speaking patients. Collectively, these findings suggest that the right hemisphere is essential to semantic processing, particularly for complex, abstract, or non-ordinary words, and damage to this hemisphere can result in significant deficits in lexical-semantic functions.MethodologyTo standardize the Persian version of the MEC protocol, 150 individuals participated in the study. All participants were monolingual Persian speakers, right-handed, literate, and in good health. The participants were divided into two age groups (25-44 years and 45-64 years) and two educational groups (those with less than 12 years of formal education and those with 12 years or more of formal education). Four subtests of the Persian version of the protocol, namely verbal fluency without constraint, verbal fluency with orthographic criteria (b), verbal fluency with semantic criteria (clothes), and semantic judgment were administered in a consistent order. All responses were recorded using a recording device (SONY Stereo IC Recorder ICD-UX560F, China). Scoring was performed in two stages based on the original test criteria in French. In the first stage, the examiner assigned scores to each participant’s responses. In the second stage, while listening to the audio files, the scores were checked according to the scoring manual.ResultsPsychometric analyses were conducted to evaluate the validity of the four lexical-semantic subtests of the Persian version of the protocol, focusing on two validity indices, the content validity ratio (CVR) and the content validity index (CVI). To this end, three questionnaires assessing the validity of each item based on necessity, relevance, and face were presented to several language experts. For the necessity questionnaire, the minimum acceptable values for the CVR and CVI were 0.60 and 0.80, respectively, for the relevance questionnaire 0.76 and 0.88, and for the face questionnaire 0.583 and 0.792 for each question separately. The analysis of these scores confirmed the validity of the questions within each questionnaire. Additionally, the overall CVR and CVI values across all questions in the three questionnaires were calculated. These aggregate values were 0.885 and 0.943 for the necessity questionnaire, 0.905 and 0.953 for the relevance questionnaire, and 0.854 and 0.928 for the face questionnaire, indicating a high level of validity for all three instruments. The reliability analysis was also conducted using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for the semantic judgment subtest, which yielded a value of 0.77, confirming the internal consistency and reliability of this subtest.To examine the effects of the two variables, age and education, on the results of each subtest of the lexical-semantic section, an independent t-test was administered. In the verbal fluency without constraint subtest, no significant effects of either age or education on the participants' performance were observed, indicating that the speech production ability of these two age groups is independent of age and educational level. Similarly, in the subtest of the verbal fluency with orthographic criteria (b), the effect of age was not significant in either educational group; however, education had a notable impact on the participants' performance. In the subtest of the verbal fluency with semantic criteria (clothes), no significant age effect was observed in either educational group, but the role of education was highly significant (p = 0.001) across both age groups. Finally, in the semantic judgment subtest, the effect of age was not significant in the group with less than 12 years of education. In contrast, it was significant (p = 0.05) in the group with 12 or more years of education. Overall, the findings demonstrate that higher formal education, particularly in areas related to speech production with orthographic and semantic criteria, exerts a more pronounced influence on the linguistic performance of the participants in this study. Conversely, aside from the semantic judgment subtest, the variable of age did not have a significant effect on the performance of the educated individuals.ConclusionBased on the results of this research, it can be concluded that the validity of all four subtests and the reliability of the semantic judgment subtest of the Persian version of the protocol for assessing lexical-semantic skills in healthy Persian-speaking adults are confirmed. Moreover, these findings reveal that the variable of educational level has a greater impact than the variable of age on the lexical-semantic communicative skills of the examinees across all subtests, except for the verbal fluency without constraint subtest. This is because the performance of the subjects with education at the diploma level and above was significantly better than the performance of those with less than 12 years of education. Finally, given that the scientific credibility of the Persian version of the Montreal protocol has been established as a standard, novel, and multidimensional tool for evaluating various communication skills, it can be utilized not only in diverse fields of research and clinical assessments of Persian-speaking patients, but also in scientific domains related to Persian language and teaching Persian to non-Persian speakers.

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